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FIFTY REASONS 



WHY THE 



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SHOULD BE 



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ELECTED PRESIDENT 



OF THE 



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BY AN 

IRISH ADOPTED CITIZEN, 



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Baltimore: 
PRINTED FOR THE AUT.HOR. 

1844. 



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MURPHY, PRINTER 



FIFTY REASONS 



WHY THE 



aONOEABLE HENRY CLAY 



SHOULD BE 



ELECTED PRESIDENT 



OF THE 



UNITED STATES. 



BY AN IRISH ADOPTED CITIZEN 



" The Iionest, pufient, and iiulustrious German readily unites with onr people, establishes himself on 

me of our liit lands, fdls a capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruity which his 

licence has gatliered aroutid him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its 

vv's, when called by the duties of patriotism. The cay, the versatile, the philosophical Frenchman, 

j commodatini; himself cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty 

our society. But, of all Jorrigncrs, none amalgamate themselves so quickli/ with our people as the 

tiDea of the'Emerald Isle, in some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, I have 

pposed that Frehind was oriirinally part and parcel of this continent, and that by some extraordinary 

nvulsion of nature it was torn from America, and, drifting across the ocean, it was placed in the 

fortunate vicinity of Great Britain. The same open-heaitcdness, the same careless and uncalculatiug 

lilference about human lilf, characterizes the inhabitants of both countries. Kentucky has been 

■nelimes called the Ireland of America. And I have no doubt that, if the emij^ration were reversed, 

d set from America upon the shores of Europe, every American emigrant to Ireland would there find, 

every Irisii emigrant here hnds, a hearty welcome and a happy home." 

Exlract /rem >1k. Clav"s Sftevh in the Senate, Feb. ISiii 




PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR 

1844. 



MURPHY, PRlNTEfi. 



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0^*^ 



Cy\ \ 



EsTBRED, according to the act of Congress, in the year one Uiousand eight hundred and forty-fonr, li 

GEORGE C. COLLINS, 

in the clerk'4 office, of the District coiut of Maryland. 



Steheottped bt 
FiBLDiNe LccAS, Jr. Baltimokb. 



FIFTY REASONS 



WHY THE 



HONORABLE HENRY. CLAY 



SHOULD 3E 



ELECTED PRESIDENT. 



Fellow Citizens: 

Were I possessed of the loftiest attainments 
in literarj' acquirements, or adorned with all the 
accomplishments necessary to constitute the states- 
man and the scholar, the subject would Still be of 
too great importance, to treat without the greatest 
circumspection, and the most profound delibera- 
tion. Years of study are indispensable to the for- 
mation of the sound politician in mixed govern- 
ments ; in the most simple forms, more time is ne- 
cessary than can be generally appropriated. With 
a mind but ill prepared for so novel an undertak- 
ing, and therefore inadequate for its proper consid- 
eration ; I shall nevertheless, confiding in your 
generous indulgence, attempt to advocate the claims 
of a luminary as bright, a patriot as pure, and a 
statesman as eloquent as ever graced the annals of 
any country, to become the recipient of those lau- 
rels which he so frequently won, and which have 
hitherto been so unjustly denied him. The reasons 
about to be adduced are altogether mine ; if faulty 
in any respect, I alone am responsible. If there is 
a:iy thing worthy of approbation, it is original. 
With this brief exordium, I approach the sub- 



I. THE REASON WHY I HAVE BEEN A 
WHIG. 
When I first arrived in this Republic, I was led to 
believe that the " Whig party" wa,s the Tory party 
of England — the descendants of those who opposed 
the Revolution — that they were still in alliance 
with England — in favor of a monarchical Ibrm of 
government — opposed to the naturalization of for- 
eigners — alien and sedition law men — Native 
American party, Sec. Sec. All these things were 
received by me as facts. It was an auspicioiis mo- 
ment to prejudice my min''., particularly as I ar- 
rived here soon after the Hero of New Orleans was 
fi'st elected. No arguments were necessary. The 
Victor of Packenham was opposed by the 'Whirrs, 
consequently his opponents were adverse to the 
success of their own arms. I became an ardent 



Democrat. Wlien the question of rechartering the 
United States Bank agitated the country, I took a 
decided stand against that institution, though I 
must acknowledge, that I was as ignorant of tlie 
merits of the principles involved in the' discussion, 
as I was of the most secret governmental policy of 
the Chinese. I was not naturalized in that cam- 
paign. I was first astonished in seeing the Deve- 
reux, from Wexford, the most patriotic county in 
Ireland, sustaining the Whigs. I was not, how- 
ever, much impressed from this circumstance, a? 
one of these gentlemen was President and the other 
a Director of the Branch Bank in Utica, it however 
was the origin of exciting my suspicion, on othc-r 
matters. Is it possible, said I, that these gentle- 
men have been intrusted by this British Tor}', 
Alien and Sedition Law, Native American Party, 
with such high and responsible stations.' If (he 
right of citizenship is denied to foreigners by this 
partj', said I, why are these men in office ? Many 
others were enjoying the respect and confidence of 
their Whig fellow-citizens My prejudices against 
Mr. Clay were intense. He was always repre- 
sented as the Arch-Enemy of everj' thing Republi- 
can — the inveterate foe of all foreigners, but more 
especially of the Irish. During my residence in 
Oneida Countj-, I found the Americans (as they 
usually are) kind, attentive, and hospitable, with- 
out distinction, to foreigners. From various inci- 
dents which then occurred, I was led to examine 
the organization and constituent elements of .so- 
ciety. I found them nearly equal in both the po- 
litical parties ; but if Aristocracy might be said to 
exist at all, it was to be found in the pure unsophis- 
ticated Democraaj. Their stately edifices excluded 
from the bustle of the city, were any thing but em- 
blematic of the sincerity of their professions of Re- 
publican simplicity. It is true these enthusiastic 
supporters of the people might be seen on the eve 
of an important election quite affable, — familiar al- 
most to a fault ; and in an exceedingly plain and 
nnassuming dress, taking pains to throw themselves 
in the way of the bone and sinew — the haxd-fisted 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



yeomanry of the countrj'. When these few days 
would have passed by, and the shonts of Demo- 
cratic triumph had already died away on the breeze, 
ail these social reminiscences were fori^otten'; and 
a cold salutation, if any, would be returned to the 
warm "how do you," of the humbler, but not less 
worthy citizen. Another matter then occurred, 
which had quite an influence on my mind, as to 
my future political conduct. As soon as the United 
States Bank had been overthrown, a new bank was 
chartered by the Legislature, called the " Oneida 
Bank." The stock was ardently sought after. 
Many good Democrats, to my own personal know- 
ledge, who opposed the old Monster for its corrup- 
tion, &.C. obtained large quantities of stock through 
dummies, who received a per centage from the gen- 
tlemen in whose favor they were obtained'. The 
amount of stock to be subscribed for was limited, 
hence this abuse. Each stockholder would have 
an influence finally in proportion to the capital in- 
vested, hence the avidity with which they grasped 
at e\*ery means to gain this influence. This also 
vastly contributed to reusing additional doubts in 
my mind. What, said 1, a few days ago, these 
men werfe loudest in denouncing the corruption of 
one institution, and they are now foremost in intro- 
ducing it inlo another. What an anomaly ! I had 
advanced sufficiently far in the science of politics 
to lay aside jirejudice, and judge the parties by 
their principles. The result of my deliberations 
will form the subsequent reasons. 

II. THE WHfG PARTY OF THIS CGUN^ 
TRY ARE NOT THE TORY PARTY OF 
ENGLAND. 
In all governments of ancient or modern times, 
men have existed, who devote their whole lives, to 
the acquisition of a certain knowledge, usually 
styled demagogueism, which of course, means the 
leading of the people. In Republics they have 
flourished more than under the iron rule of despot- 
ism. The aspirations which emanate from an un- 
trammeled soul, should be suffered to ascend aloft 
to its native elements free and unrestrained, with- 
out any guidance, save its own spontaneous action, 
without any barriers save the Constitution and the 
Laws. 

In the study of politics, in the the school of ob- 
servation, I discovered in no particular branch of 
the American family a leaning towards England. 
I heard the Whigs speak in the highest terms of 
praise of their immortal Washington. I observed 
them participate in all the anniversaries of their 
country's redemption. They were not inferior to 
the other party in talents, in devotion to their 
countiy, or in any of those accomplishments which 
make men useful as well as ornamental to society. 
It is absurd then, to poison the minds of citizens 
who arrive in this country, by having recourse to 



those vile and unjust expedients to promote party 
and acquire the spoils. Tltere is, in the generality 
of European emigrants, a deep and well founded 
hatred to every thing which has the least tendency 
to monarchy. It can be easily seen then, how ef- 
fectual an influence can be used in this manner, to 
gain them over to the party who profess themselves 
to be the most Democratic, and of consequence, the 
most opposed to monarchy. It is also a fact, suscep- 
tible of demonstration, that all undue measures used 
by one portion of American citizens to bring another 
portion into bad repute, has a most pernicious ten- 
dency and must eventually result in the most de- 
plorable consequences. It is now high time that 
every philanthropist should condemn all irrelevant 
subjects and false issues, and unite in the discus- 
sion of matters which appertain to the happiness 
of the people, as well as the prosperity of the Re- 
public. I am convinced that Americans are all 
equally attached to freedom, and equally ready to 
defend their altars anxl their homes. There can be 
no doubt onXjiis point. 

rii. THE Whigs are not opposed 

TO the NATURALIZATION OF FOR- 
EIGNERS. 

An adopted citizen, who joins the Whig party, 
upon due reflection, is frequently accused of sinia- 
tfer motives, and of arraying himself on the side of 
the sworn enemies of foreigners. Accusations of 
every character are heaped upon his devoted head. 
If this respectable body of men, who are confessed- 
ly the larger half of the native citizens, be that 
compound of pride, tyranny, and selfishness, wiiich 
they are represented to be, it would most unques- 
tionably be disgraceful to add to their strength in 
any manner. It would be criminal to whet the 
sword, which would, in their hands, cut the thread 
on which the rights and liberties of millions of our 
Trans-atlantic brethren hang. It is however wrong, 
and more criminal to charge the Whigs of being 
desirous to do that, which they never intended to 
do. 

Such conduct as this will have a direct tendency 
to bring into their ininds political errors, to which 
they arc utter strangers. Upon mature reflection, 
this charge will be found equally groundless as the 
first. An occasional petition has been forwarded 
to Congress on this subject, sustained by men of 
both political parties. It would be well, however, 
to review this matter very briefly, and call to our 
minds the causes which have led to such organiza- 
tions in this country. In the City of New Orleans, 
the Democratic party is nearly divided numerically 
between the Americans native and adopted. Some 
years since a political triumph was achieved by 
them. In the distribution of the spoils, the adopt- 
ed citizens received too large a quota ; this enraged 
the American Democracy, and led them gradually 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



into this het-esy which now drags its slow length 
along through many other cities in the United 
States. It was not an original measure of the 
"Whig p;irty, the contrary is the fact. The natives 
in New Orleans went so far as to organize them- 
selves into one or more military companies, and 
nine-tentiis of this valiant and formidable armament 
were of the old Simon Pure, dyed 171 ike wool Dem- 
ocratic party. I have known such societies in the 
Republic, and invariably found, that the causes 
which led to their formation were not of a party 
character, but were totally distinct from it, with 
two exceptions, the one which has been alluded to, 
and the one which lately started into existence in 
the City of New York ; and we all know that the 
Democryis formed that, and it is the most numer- 
ous, as well as formidable, that ever arose in this 
country. I would not be understood as laying the 
censure of thLs odious, prescriptive policy, notwith- 
standing, ia the Van Buren party. They become 
entirely separate and distinct from either, morally 
and politically, and constitute a third party. In 
this view of the case I am correct, so far as human 
knowledge can be, and hence the impropriety of 
laying the charge at the doors of the "Great Whig 
party " of this Confederacy. It is to all intents 
and purposes, morally wrong to make an issue of 
it at the approaching election. I shall then pass 
to the next negative reason. 

IV. THE WHIGS ARE NOT THE BANK 
PARTY. 

This charge has been very confidently made 
against the Whigs during the last eight years ; in 
manyinstances successfully, but inalmostall wrong- 
fully. The fact of the supporting the United States 
Bank, gave this accusation a very fair exterior, and 
from that circumstance, and under that cloak, the 
most important impositions have been practised, 
even long after the Bank had ceased to be. The 
Administration is always responsible for the politi- 
cal errors, introduced, as well as for the political 
abuses unredressed. If it can be shown that the 
amount of evil counterbalances that of good in any 
great alterations made, during its existence, the 
weight of evidence is against the constituted authori- 
ties. It is admitted, that to the Van Buren Party, 
belongs the honor of destroying the United States 
Bank, the entire glory is theirs. That Institution 
was denominated as dangerous to the liberties of the 
people, as exceedingly corrupt. It was also attack- 
ed on the ground of unconstitutionality. Various 
arguments were at that time introdOced as to the 
expediency of the entire Baiil.ing system. These 
were however confined to a portion of the Party. — 
The President himself promised a Substitute, and 
it was called by him a Bank. This promise has 
been disregarded. In referring to the past history 
of the country, for the la^t twenty years, it will be 



ascertained that this charge is entirely and une- 
quivocally false. The increase of Banks from 1820 
to 1830 was 22, of Bank capital $8,000,000. In 
the next ten years the increase was 3.92 with nearly 
200 Branches ; the increase of Banking capital for 
the same time, were .$213,000,000. This ruinous 
system took its rise from the downfall of the United 
States Bank. These things are conclusive evi- 
dence of the truth of the inconsistency of that party, 
as well in this, as in other matters o( public policy. 
It is readily seen by the most careless observer, 
that the Whigs could net possibly be the authors of 
the Banking system. The administration of the 
General Government and four-fifths of the States' 
Governments was in the hands of the opposite 
part}' ; and they becomejustly chargeable with the 
faults observable during their term of service. 
These errors seem to be intentional in many of the 
leader!), and therefore the more criminal. If they 
destroyed one Institution on the ground of uncon- 
stitutionality, why create four or five hundred .' If 
the former was objectionable, emanating as it did 
from the sxtprc me power of the whole confederacy, 
certainly thf latter must "be infinitely more so pro- 
ceeding from inferior, and in this particular case, 
perhaps dependent powers, as the Constitution vests 
the jurisdiction in Congress. If the whole confed- 
eracy possesses not the power, how can it be possi- 
ble that even a co-ordinate or concurrent part should 
possess it? It seems these Monnter hating Demo- 
crats can bestow on a State, not only a concurrent, 
but a superior jurisdiction to each division of the 
"Federal Union" when it suits their purposes, and 
perhaps sometimes their pockets. I would not be 
understood, as insinuating now in the least. I 
thought, however, that State Constitutions cannot 
conflict with the Constitution of the United States. 
The National Bank was not expedient, but small, 
petty, two-penny, good-for-nothing, but swindling 
Institutions were expedient. I grant it, they were, 
but for whom ? I answer for those who made them, 
and a few other hangers-on ; but they were destruc- 
tive to the great mass of the people. The National 
Bank was corrupt. It never failed to fulfil its ob- 
ligations, until it had been crippled by the Nation. 
But these incorruptible patriots, introduced a re- 
medy far worse than the grievance. If the United 
States Bank was comipt, its corrupting influence 
was not felt so much by the producing classes in 
sixteen years, as the influence of Shin Plaster 
shops was in the same number of days. It is then 
a mischievous as well as bare-faced way to get out 
of a scrape to accuse men of those errors, into 
which we have ourselves ran through cupidity or 
blindness. Let us rather repent, and change our 
course. This would be manly and prudent. I 
have not asserted that the Whigs are or have been 
entirely innocent in this matter, many of them erred 
in the Pet Bank mania, but they cannot in any 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



manner, or with any propriety be charged with the 
system ; they were then in a large minority, and al- 
lowing the Van Biiren party all they can possibly 
ask in the argument, the Whigs cannot be called 
the Bank party. Bear your own burdens, gentle- 
men, sufficient for the day is the evil thereof. Hav- 
ing disponed of these few negative propositions, I 
shall approach the main question. Would to God, 
that my pen possessed ability commensurate with 
the importance of the principles involved, my mind 
would rest at ease. The subject is almost too pro- 
found, and the personage too exalted. I hope you 
will overlook the imperfections. 

V. HENRY CLAY IS AN AMERICAN. 

He has been educated beneath the influence of 
Democratic Institutions ; he has been imbued with 
the purest principles of Republicanism, in the con- 
secrated land of the " Old Dominion." He had as 
examples men of the highest order of talents, and 
the most inflexible attachment to freedom. From 
his birth in 1777 to the present day, he was witness 
to events of unparalleled magnitude ; never before 
were questions of such vast moment at issue be- 
tween nations. His gigantic intellect was invigo- 
rated by the continued success of the patriotic efforts 
of the citizens of this hemisphere, in shaking oft' 
the servile bonds of European tyranny ; it was en- 
lightened by the disastrous causes which led to its 
final overthrow in France. In his own country, he 
has reason to rejoice that the progress of freedom is 
onward, and wherever its influence is felt, it is to 
improve and ameliorate the condition of man, and 
that it has already carried the blessings of civiliza- 
tion to distant climes. It has not risen like the 
dazzling meteor to blaze for a moment, but like the 
beneficent sun to last for ever. He is an Ameri- 
can—not because he first drew breath in the land of 
Washingi'on-, or is a citizen of the happiest form 
of Government in the world. It is because he is 
the inflexible advocate of the rights of man, — those 
everlasting and immutable principles which tend 
to the equalization of the human race, the subju 'a- 
tion of every species of tyranny and the grandest of 
all human theories— self-government. The air of 

this Republic is to him as sacred as his existence 

to preserve it uncontaminated his every effort has 
been indefatigably devoted, ^n Amenam, not be- 
cause he moves on the soil, and eats and drinks of 
its fruits — not because he loves to roam over the 
land of his fathers, or visit tlie enchanting spot of 
his childhood, — not because his Colualel^ pos- 
sesses many commercial and agricultural advan- 
tages ; or is bountifully supplied with the most 
beautiful scenery, extensive sea-coasts, innumera- 
ble internal water communications, lofty moun- 
tains, fertile vales, boundless forests and trans- 
parent lakes in an equal or superior degree to any 
country on the globe. AH these,.it is- true, have to 



him their peculiar fascinations. No! His patriotic 
bosom, his free soul loves his fatherland for higher 
and nobler considerations. It is because, whkrk 

LIBERTY DW'ELLS THERE IS HIS COUNTRY. 

Every great measure in this country's glorious 
epoch, bears the impress of his gigantic intellect 
and devoted patriotism. No American has con- 
tributed more to national honor and individual pros- 
perity than he. His actions are not like the ripple 
of a minute which bursts upon the shore, but as the 
long swell of the mighty ocean, wafted from remote 
regions, and heaved on the bosom of remote anr 
tiquity. In all his efforts to promote the glory and 
high destinies of his country, he has never neglect- 
ed to excite in the breasts of his countrymen simi- 
lar feelings, and establish amongst them the basis 
of durable happiness, by affording them means of 
employment, in the best manner his judgment could 
devise. During the forty years of his public life, 
the energies of his whole soul have been directed 
in exciting industry, encouraging manufactures, 
extending commerqe, and in defending our flag 
from foreign insult. \m\A. the expiring embers of 
Republican Institutions, one has risen here Phosnix- 
like from the ashes, which if properly managed is 
destined to exert a most potent influence hereafter 
on the condition of men, all that is necessary' is a 
good Captain, and an honest, faithful, moral and 
sober crew, to guide this youthful vessel into the 
most distant climes, with healing on her wings, and 
freedom as her cargo. Such a Captain, we will 
have, if we elect our late Hon. Senator from Ken- 
tucky — the Mill Boy of the Slashes. 

VI. HENRY CLAY IS A REPUBLICAN. 

When interest has ceased to blind, panegyric to 
mislead, and political rivalry to exist, this assertion 
will be unanimously sustained. — When his noble 
heart shall cease to throb, and his body be shroud- 
ed in the awful habiliments of death, it will be grate- 
fully acknowledged by his countrj'men, when the 
National records themselves shall moulder away ; 
monuments of enduring marble will still perpetuate 
his memory. It is true, our American Statesman 
cannot publicly exhibit scars and other heroic de- 
monstrations of patriotic warfare before the enrap- 
tured gaze of an admiring country; yet these en- 
viable marks of gallantry, are the fruits of the seed, 
which he planted in the councils of the Nation. It 
was his matchless eloquence which in an eminent 
degree contiibuted to cirouse the nation to arms in 
the last war, and bury all conflicting interests and 
sectional collisions in the gulf of everlasting obli- 
vion. Glorious event ! The eloquent Henry was 
not more successful in the Revolutionary war in in- 
fusing ardor into the nation, than our CLAY has 
been in the second struggle for the existence of the 
Republic. It was he who voted the means to sus- 
tain the war, and it wa3 he W'ho nerved the arm 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



and whetted the sword to carry it on. The genius 
and brilliant talents of Mirabeau in the Revolution- 
ary councils of France, are as nothins;, when com- 
pared to the glowing ardor and patriotic eloquence 
of the Kentucky Orator, in that momentous crisis 
of the American Republic. It is an honor to the 
country, that such a man then existed to guide 
her councils. Cainot never drew a sword, yet 
under his sagacious and wise administration France 
flourished. Great warriors have immortalized 
themselves by their valorous deeds and heroic ex- 
ploits. Yet the warrior yields to the prudent dic- 
tates of wise legislation. The glory of the warrior 
is brilliant, but transitory ; the glory of the states- 
man is bright, but permanent. Pab'iotism exists 
in botli, but its action is different. The one exe- 
cutes a part, the other plans all which appertain to 
the Slate. As to the fact, of Republicanism, every 
man in tliis country possesses it ; some in a greater, 
others in a less degree. Our government is Re- 
publican, consequently, we are all citizens of the 
same country, and known universally by the same 
appellation. None are so worthy of the title, how- 
ever, as those who have been the longest in the 
councils of the people, and whilst there never be- 
trayed their trusts. No stronger evidence of this 
fact, than the approbation of their fellow-citizens, 
apd more particularly of those who are the more 
immediately represented. When individuals con- 
tinue to be honored for nearly half a century in the 
same career of pursuits, of whatever kind they may 
be, their conduct must be sanctioned, as well as 
their fidelity established. This is the best rule, 
and one which receives the stamp of the silent 
operation of time. Experience teaches us, that 
professions are frequently deceptions, unless they 
are supported by acts, and that political wisdom is' 
not of a mushroom growth, but that it depends en- 
tirely on the industry and constant perseverance of 
3'ear3 to acquire it. It has lately become a habit 
in young men for the first time intrusted with the 
guardianship of public affairs, to assume to them- 
selves the importance of censuring those who 
have grown grey in the service of their coun- 
try. It would be better for them and us, if instead 
of culling a few thorns from a field of roses, they 
were consulting for the common good. Mr. Clay 
has forty j^ears experience in public matters. He 
has faithfully and ably discharged every duty im- 
posed and every trust confided in him. No State 
has shed its blood more profusely in the last war 
than Kentuclcy; and iJL would be an insult to her 
noble sons, to accuse them of honoring any other 
than the purest and best Republican. She is proud 
of her adopted son. She has taken him as her own, 
and has elevated him from the humble position of 
the Orphan Boy to the dignified and time hallowed 
rank of Senator. 



VII. UR. CLAY IS A DEMOCRAT. 
It is not however, the case, because all the citi- 
zens of a Repiibhc are Republicans, that they are 
all possessed of the same views, in relation to the 
measures which may tend to preserve their institu- 
tions from char.ge, or their liberties from ruin. The 
minds of men are operated on differently. In this 
respect they assimilate nations ; what would bene- 
fit one individual might injure many. Various 
causes may contribute to the promotion of political 
errors. Luxuiy and pride are powerful auxiliaries 
in destroying the moral principles of communities. 
Wealth and bigotry are also instruments which 
eventually weaken the golden links of the fraternal 
and social compact of citizens of the same country. 
These and all other causes however, are impotent 
when brought into contact with the virtue and in- 
telligence of enlightened freemen, in whose hands 
the destinies of Republics are. Regardless of all 
minor considerations, the citizens of this country are 
justly styled Democrats throughout the worid ; they 
must also be called such here, until strong and irre- 
sistible proofs are adduced to the contrary. It is 
impossible successfully to charge an American citi- 
zen, with not being a Democrat, so long as he main- 
tains the Constitution and Laws, which are admit- 
ted to be Democratic. There may be isolated in- 
stances of individuals who are opposed to this form 
of government, though born under its benign and 
happy influences. Here we are, where freedom 
has triumphed over bondage, and the effort of la- 
borious industry has emancipated itself from the 
servile yoke of monarchical power. Until interest 
shall cease to be a bond of union, and no reciproci- 
ty of mutual affection exist, the American people 
will pride themselves in handing down their glo- 
rious liberties to posterity, as the richest legacy 
they can bestow. And their will shall be signed, 
sealed and delivered under the broad seal of the 
"Democrats of the United States of America." 

If tyranny has always succeeded by arming one 
portion of the people against another, freemeu 
should learn a profitable lesson from it, and never 
make false issues, when great questions of State 
policy are kept entirely out of view. Why has one 
moiety of the citizens of this Confederacy exclu- 
sively appropriated to themselves the appellation 
of Democrats ? Every school-boy who has studied 
Greek on)}- a few months, will look upon this as 
utterly presumptuous. No man but understands 
the ordinary acceptation of the term Democracy. 
It means particularly, a form of government in 
which the sovereignty rests entirely in the peo- 
ple — or that they are the source of all power. No 
American statesman dare deny this. None have 
denied it. It is however true, that we must give 
to this proper source, the free and unrestricted pri- 
vilege of exercising this power, with no abridge- 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



ment of action, save the Constitution and Laws, 
which they themselves make by their deleg;ates. 
There is no citizen however, more eminently en- 
titli.'d to this soul-cheering appellation, than he 
who has always stood on the citadel, a faithful sen- 
tinel, an able defender of the inestimable charter 
of rights, on which not the name but the principles 
themselves are based. Mr. Clay's efforts from 
liis first appearance on the stage of political action, 
(o the day of his leaving the Senate, have been 
constantly devoted to the preservation of his coun- 
fry's liberties, as well as to the extension of them 
over the surface of the habitable globe. If it were 
possible he has imparted to freedom an additional 
lustre, by his eloquence, and adorned the sacred 
cause of liberty by impressing on it the dazzling 
brilliancy of his own heaven-bom genius. No 
Democrat loves freedom, and hates tyranny, more 
tlian he. 

YIII. MR. CLAY IS AN UNRIVALLED 
ORATOR. 
In all nations of ancient or modern times, the 
people look with pride on their eminent men, and 
1 hough there may be an occasional spot discerned 
on the escutcheon of their fame, the memory of 
their distinguished services towards adding to the 
national dignity causes them to wipe it off rather 
than magnify it. It is highly characteristic of true 
greatness, to stand first, as an orator in a country 
which can justly boast of as bright an array of pub- 
lic speakers as ever graced the annals of any na- 
tion. It redounds to a statesman's honor to be 
capable of enchaining the attention of the most en- 
lightened audiences, and intellectual popular as- 
semblies, and draw forth their most enthusiastic 
applause. This faculty when well applied is a 
blessing to the entire nation, and has a most potent 
tendency to stamp the traits of our national charac- 
ter on the people of other countries. What De- 
mosthenes has been to Greece, and Cicero to Rome, 
CLAY has been to America ! The eloquence of 
the two former has survived the Republics them- 
selves, and though the countries in which they 
lived have become enslaved, the monuments which 
liave been transmitted by thera to posterity will 
always shed a glorious effulgence on their native 
land. If the English language possessed the beau- 
ties of the Greek or Latin, the speeches of CLAY 
would be equally worthy of admiration, and might 
be hereafter consulted as text-books of unrivalled 
beauty and consummate skill. It is a lamentable 
fact, that we have hitherto not sufficiently well 
appreciated the importance of imparting to Ameri- 
can oratory the respect it so justly merits. It is 
by this powerful weapon that the elements of ty- 
ranny will be crushed, and all the hereditary ap- 
pendages of obsolete royalty be utterly annihilated. 
By this the irresistible growth of freedom will 



be accelerated, and every barrier between citi- 
zen, kings and liberty, will be eradicated from the 
earth. 

History is replete with the glowing eloquence 
of ancient orators. Nations refer to the number 
of their statesmen as the best evidence of their 
greatness ; their libraries abound in splendidly 
executed and methodically arranged piles of speech- 
es, as living witnesses of their illustrious dead. In 
no countrj" is it so necessary as in this. In mo- 
narchies and despotic governments, men are born 
to distinction, children are dubbed princes ere they 
have laid aside their swaddling clothes, and misses 
are crowned queens before they have entered their 
'teens ; no limits, it would seem, are prescribed to 
their political absurdities. Upon men, born under 
such systems, oratory can have no effect, unless to 
arouse them from their passive obedience to active 
resistance. Here, the gifts of nature ai^ destined 
to bless mankind ; and the splendor of genius and 
powers of thought to add a lustre on all indiscrimi- 
nately. No man has embellished the leijislative 
halls of this happy country, more than the cele- 
brated Clay. None has so eminently contributed 
to give his nation a character at home and respect 
abroad. Were all tlie speeches of this distinguish- 
ed man compiled, they would not only compete 
with, but excel those of any other orator of ancient 
or modern times, both in quantity and quality. 
He is an example for young and helpless men, 
who may be deprived of the right arm of support, 
either in a father or mother, to stimulate tliem to 
untiring action to cultivate their talents. By ele- 
vating him yet higher, we will cause the example 
to be still more powerful and efficacious. Oratory 
has effected the independence of this country. 
When our rights were tram])led on, and our homes 
and fire-sides were about to be rendered dreary by 
foreign opju-ession, the eloquence of our orators, 
awoke the citizens to resistance. The loud bursts 
of patriotic indignation might then be heard through 
this entire country. 

How dear to the patriot's heart is every word 
connected with the glorious days of '76. Nearly 
all the agents of that memorable struggle have 
passed away, many of them died martyrs. Others 
were collected to their fathers in honorable old age, 
encircled with the proudest wreaths of freemen's 
gratitude, all with their deepest reverence and af- 
fection. We have yet amongst us, one of more 
recent origin, who in like manner raised his voice 
against the same tyranny — a similar oppression. 
The orator of 1S12, the able supporter of the em. 
bar'^o and war, he has in the second struggle for 
American independence proved to the world that 
he was the noble son of noble sires. We have 
honored the frarners of oui-emHstitution, the authors 
of our liberties, we will also honor the advocates 
and defenders of them. Esto perpetua. 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BK PRESIDENT. 



IX. HIS LOVE OF FREEDOM IS NOT 
CONFINED BY SPACE. 
Endowed, as he is, with a superior intellect, 
and a mind well cultivated in the school of expe- 
rience ; trained up in the nursery of human liberty, 
we need not be astonished at this fact ; were it 
otherwise he would be unworthy of the name of an 
American. His principles, always of a pure and 
elevated character, have entitled him to an enviable 
distinction. Intrusted in early life with responsi- 
ble duties, he never proved inadequate to their per- 
formance. Without family pretensions or j-rivate 
wealth, he gradually arose from the orphan li^y to 
the rank of Senator. He always preferred f., be 
than to appear deserving. "Esse quam videri 
bonus malebat, ita quo minus gloriam petebat eo 
magis adsequebatur." In the various gradations 
through which he has passed, he had ample oppor- 
tunity to become familiar with all the requisites 
necessary to promote true liberty. It would be an 
insult to the free institutions of this country to as- 
sert, that any man could rise from the ranks of hum- 
ble citizenship to senatorial eminence, in any other 
manner than that which true wisdom and a great 
mind would direct. Whilst at home, he views 
liberty, not as a boon to be gained, but as a right 
to be vindicated, — but when he looks abroad, he 
maintains the proposition, that every nation is en- 
titled to the blessings of freedom, not by the viola- 
tion of present law, but by the restitution of an- 
cient right. Alike capable to act, either in regard 
to the past and the future. He traces all things to 
their first causes, and then the necessary informa- 
tion is acquired. No American is held in as high 
estimation as Mr. Clay, by the reading communi- 
ty of foreign countries. None can forget his stir- 
ring appeals to his countrymen in behalf of struirgling 
Greece, and down-trdflden Poland. When his lu- 
minous views of their situation were publicly an- 
nounced, they bore down with resistless force 
every impediment in the way of suffering humani- 
ty. His active support of the patriots of the 
South American revolution is still alive in the 
recollection of every man. His name is still en- 
shrined in the grateful hearts of the citizens of 
these sister Republics. And his speeches already 
translated into their language, are preserved as 
memorials of his generous efforts in aiding their 
cause. His allusions to unhappy Ireland are the 
most beautiful specimens of modern eloquence. 
He has always been the zealous supporter of uni- 
versal liberty, and the undisguised enemy of every 
species of despotic rule. He possesses the indomi- 
table resolution, the generous impulse and un- 
quenchable ardor of the sincere Democrat, without 
the wavering timidity, the selfish reserve, and 
truckling cunning of the sycophantic demagogue. 
True to the polar star of rectitude, he battles against 
every thing which he views as pernicious in its 



tendency, or deleterious in its results ; he counts 
not upon personal consequences, he looks away 
into futurity. It is in vain to search for any man 
in this Republic, who has given such conclusive evi- 
dence of his love of universal liberty, as Mr. Clay. 
In all cases, without exception, he has been among 
the foremost in defending the many from the 
oppression of the few. Never have the groans of 
the enslaved sunk deeper into human hearts than 
into his. Never have the shrill clashing of their 
swords, when drawn in freedom's sacred cause, 
sounded more agreeablj' to human ears than to his. 
Never is his voice as clear, his sentiments as pure, 
his ardor as entliusiastic, his eloquence as impas- 
sioned, or his language as sublime, as when advo- 
cating the eternal truth, the freeman's motto — "All 
men are born free and equal." 

X. HIS UNWAVERING ADHESION TO 
PRINCIPLE. 
In this cardinal doctrine of political science, his 
genius, his intellect, and his consistency are con- 
spicuous. He who said, he would not be once 
wrong to become President, has verified the asser- 
tion by his uniform adherence to principle. Wlien 
his eagle eye has once discovered a measure to be 
practicable, and that its adoption would be produc- 
tive of public good, he brings all his talents to his 
aid, to carry it into effect. It frequently happened, 
that the bill he was about to propose, would, to 
every appearance, endanger his personal populari- 
ty, and his friends would remonstrate with him as 
to the immediate expediency of the measure. Not 
regardless of the present, he always desired to 
legislate for the future. All great events have had 
an origin. His intuitive mind has invariably 
formed correct conclusions, as to the results of all 
the legislative enactments of nearly the last half 
century. Firmness is so prominent a characteris- 
tic of this statesman, that it has been called ob- 
stinacy by some. It would be well, if these critics 
understood, that were it not for this quality, he 
could never have waded from Virginia to Kentuc- 
ky, unaided and unknown, and by degrees taken 
a position amongst the most distinguished men of 
that chivalrous State, and eventually be clothed 
with the highest honors they could confer. 

Those opposed to the political views of Mr. Clay, 
with great exultation refer to his action on the 
Bank question in ISM. This was a question of 
currency, and for the first time inti-oduced during 
his political career. At that time, we were on the 
eve of a war with Great Britain, and great national 
interests were at stake. All other questions were 
of minor consequence to the youthful patriot ; how- 
ever, the bill then proposed contained many odious 
features, and one in particular, which he abliorred. 
The capital about to be invested was chiefly Bri- 
tish, and the whole control would be almost in 



10 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



their hands. At this juncture, he just'y consider-^ 
ed that the chartering an Institution of that char- 
acter, might hereafter prove highly detrimental to 
the veiy liberties of the Republic. His opposition 
to that Bank bill, of all other things should be con- 
sidered as the strongest proof of his patriotism, and 
an everlasting stigma on those who charge him 
with a leaning towards English interests. Oh I 
shame, where is thy blush. He also had some 
doubts as to its constitutionality. Mr. Madison 
once and again expressed similcir doubts, and not- 
withstanding afterwards, recommended and sanc- 
tioned it under the Constitution which he was 
sworn to protect. Was President Madison incon- 
sistent ? There are many men in the opposite 
party who are lauded to the skies, because they 
will not now do that which they would do then, 
and actually did do in a few years subsequently. — 
On this question, the greatest lights of American 
politics have burned blue, white and red, to suit 
circumstances. When peace was restored, and a 
less objectionable bill proposed, it received his 
warmest support, and never since has he deviated 
from his integrity. The public freedom, general 
intelligence and permenent prosperity of the Re- 
public, have always constituted the basis of Mr. 
Clay's conduct, these were consulted in every 
emergency, and never neglected for any considera- 
tion. He has not forgotten the local interests of 
his constituents, or the national interests of the 
whole community, while at the same time the 
vigour of his thought and the energy of his soul 
have been unalterably fixed on the high destinies 
of man, and the great ends of creation. The great 
addition which has been made to the public bene- 
fits we possess and the untrammeled freedom we 
enjoy, is in a great measure owing to his firmness 
of resolve and disinterestedness of purpose, which 
he never failed to manifest, when dangerous ex- 
periments and selfish innovations were being inter- 
woven with the time hallowed customs of the coun- 
tiy. 

XI. HIS EXPERIENCE IN THE PUBLIC 
SERVICE. 
A brilliant career of nearly forty years in the vari- 
ous departments of public life has familiarized him 
to all the complicated, yet beautiful machinery of 
this Government, and added to his other accomplish- 
ments a perfect understanding of matters of State 
policy — a profound knowledge in those affairs which 
appertain to our foreign, and an intimate acquain- 
tance with our domestic relations. His intuitive 
knowledge of the intricate, and yet almost unintelli- 
gible as well as unsettled question of currency, 
which has so long unprofitably agitated this vast 
country during many administrations, is well known 
to every impartial observer of all'airs. All men are 



forced to admit that every presentiment uttered by 
him in the discussion of the Bank question has been 
verified. Not a sentence of his lucid views on the 
effects of the Specie Circular, but has been fulfill- 
ed. Senator Benton has thus spoken of Mr. 
Clay in 1824 : " The principles which would 
govern Mr. Clay's administration if elected, are 
well known to the nation. They have been dis- 
played upon the floor of Congress for the last 
seventeen years. They constitute a system of 
AMERICAN POLICY, based on the Agriculture 
and IV^nufactures of his own country — upon in- 
terior as well as foreign Commerce — upon internal 
as ^;^■ll as sea-board Improvement upon the inde- 
pendence of the New World, and close commercial 
alliances w'ith Mexico and South America. If it 
is said that others would pursue the same system, 
we answer, that the founder of a system is the 
natural executor of his own work ; that the most 
efficient protector of American iron, lead, hemp, 
wool and cotton, would be the triumphant cham- 
pion of the new Tariff; the safest friend to interior 
commerce would be the statesman who has pro- 
claimed the Mississippi to be the sea of the West ; 
the most zealous promoter of Internal Improve- 
ments would be the President who has triumphed 
over the President who opposed the National Roads 
and Canals; the most successful applicant for 
treaties with Mexico and South America would be 
the eloquent advocate of their own independence." 
The men who looked upon Mr. Clay then as the 
ablest man of his day, have since that time veered 
their course, under the auspices of, as they thought, 
a more popular gale, but he steadily and uniformly 
keeps the same landmarks in view, and never has 
rashly launched his bark into hitherto untried seas. 
His country has for a while forgot him, but she is 
returning to the early object of her love. In all 
matters with which she trusted him, he has never 
deceived her. In those which she deposited ia 
other hands, she has been betrayed. When she 
has forsaken his prudent counsel, she has invaria- 
bly struck upon shoals. She cannot do better than 
make him now, what Benton advised her in 1824. 
No man better deserves it. When the minds of 
men have been once set afloat by the success of 
one experiment, subsequent innovations are made 
from mere trifling causes : the restlessness conse- 
quent upon an unsettled state of public affairs, is 
highly pernicious to the stability of free Institu- 
tions, and imperceptiblj'' weaken the influence, 
which they are destined to exert on the human 
family. Mr. Clay has denounced every thing 
which could not stand the touchstone of sound rea- 
son, — his whole life has been devoted in establish- 
ing those principles which would constitute the 
chief spring of prosperity, elevate still higher the 
ascending spirit and increasing energy of the poor, 
and lay a permanent foundation for national wealth 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



11 



and national glory, for this pupose he has advo- 
cated the following measures. 

XII. A REGULATOR OF THE NATIONAL 
CURRENCY. 
Mr. Clay on his return from Ghent, was receiv- 
ed with every testimonial of public approbation. 
Previous to his arrival, he had been elected to Con- 
gress. How devotedl)'' attached to her adopted 
son, was Kentucky. The additional honor of being 
almost unanimously elected Speaker of tlie House 
bespoke the gratitude of an admiring country. 
During his Congressional career, matters of the 
gravest import were coolly and deliberately discuss- 
ed, and satisfactorily determined. The apparent 
embarrassments of the Government in the com- 
mencement of this session (181.5) were almost in- 
surmountable. The circulating medium was de- 
preciated, a heavy debt contracted, public credit 
impaired and the energies of the nation nearly 
paralyzed. To remedy these difficulties. President 
Madison recommended the establishment of a 
National Bank. Mr. Calhoun, chairman of an 
appointed committee, reported in favor of it. 
Many gentlemen were then its warmest supporters, 
who are now its bitterest enemies. This bill as re- 
l^orted, differed essentially from that of 1811. In 
Ihefirst, seven-eighths of the stock would be owned 
by European capitalists, whereby they might be ca- 
pable of exercising a controlling influence — the last 
was measurably exempt from this highly objection- 
able feature. Mr. Clay's action on the question 
of 1811 is by no means censurable, if we take into 
consideration the fact of the instructions which he 
received from his own State, directing him to oppose 
the bill, also the state of the country at that period. 
It must be borne in mind, that we were then on the 
eve of a war with the Mistress of the Ocean — our 
ancient foe Great Britain. With this question Mr. 
Clay grappled, and to this he devoted his untiring 
zeal and ceaseless efforts. Let it be admitted, 
however, that he was inconsistent, that he did op- 
pose a Bank of the United States in 1811, and sup- 
port one in 1S15 — how many of our public men 
have not committed a similar error? Mr. Cal- 
Hou.v at that day reported the bill which Mr. 
Clay supported, yet Mr. Calhoun is not incon- 
sistent! Mr. Madison always opposed a National 
Bank up to the year 1815, and then he recommend- 
ed one, and sanctioned it upon its passage. Was 
Mr. Madison inconsistent? The illustrious Jef- 
ferson always retained scruples on the Constitu- 
tionality of the same question, yet he suffered 
branches to go into operation which he could have 
prevented. Was Mr. Jefferson inconsistent? 
The immortal Washington and others of our 
blood-stained revolutionary patriots differed 'on the 
merits of the Bank question ; were they all incon- 
sistent ? The war-worn veteran of the Hermitage 



destroyed one, but at the same time promised 
another, which he deemed to be Constitutional. 
Was he also on this point inconsistent ? I answer, 
none of these patriots were inconsistent, they all 
acted for the good of their common country. It is 
idle to say that Mr. Clay is so strongly in favor of a 
Bank, as to recommend its passage, nolens volens. 
No ; such conduct on his part would be a direct con- 
tradiction to his whole life. He would consider 
himself as an instrument in the hands of his coun- 
trymen, the whole people, to carry out and execute 
their will, and nothing beyond this would he go ; 
this has been his chief study, whilst discharging his 
high and responsible Senatorial functions ; this it 
will be, when in the Executive chair. It is well 
known that during the extra session there were 
various Bank bills proposed, and that different 
opinions existed in relation to them ; Mr. Clay 
amongst others submitted one, which in its original 
form, notwithstanding his great popularity amongst 
his fellow Senators, was not sustained in all its 
parts. Did he get angry on this occasion ? No, 
in his usual spirit of compromise, he gave way to 
the predilections and opinions as well as prejudices 
of others : he desired not the position of dictator, he 
felt proud of being styled and known as associate 
Senator. He even relinquished the name of Bank, 
and substituted the term " Fiscal Agent." In view 
of this matter, nothing is so clear, or evident to our 
reason and judgment as this : viz — that Mr. Clay 
will consider himself in no other light, than the 
faithful Executor of the people's will in all things, 
when freely and Constitutionally expressed. If the 
people of this glorious and thrice happy country, 
are of opinion that a Bank is not necessary, that a 
Regulator of the National Currency is not neces- 
sary, it is their previlege to declare, and it shall be 
the President's duty to obey. There is yet wisdom 
and intelligence enough, and there ever will be by / 
the help of God amongst the free and independent 
citizens of America, to establish salutary measures 
for the common good. Lay aside prejudices, sac- 
rifice them on the altar of patriotism, and you will 
see as clear as day the most worthy of the rival 
candidates. As for me, give me Clay, and then 
the Republic will be prosperous. 

XIII. A REGULATOR IS CONSTITU- 
TIONAL. 

Gold and silver constitute the standard by which 
all international monetary relations are controlled, 
as well as regulated. If the supreme power can 
authorise the issuing of Treasury Notes, it certainly 
must possess the power of establishing an institu- 
tion, within the limits of law, of also issuing bills, 
which are the representatives of the precious me- 
tals, and otherwise to regulate the Currency. In 
this country, paper has always been the chief cur- 
rency ; to it we owe our unparalleled advancement 



12 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



in national improvements, without it we could not 
have sustained ourselves. If a doubt exists in the 
minds of any on this question, it should be at once 
removeil when they refer to its origin and authors. 
If the patriots v.'ho just returned from the battle 
fields, with their swords yet crimsoned over with 
the sanguine fluid, thought it not unconstitutional 
to establi.-ih a National Bank, even within the lim- 
its of the Constitution, which was the work of 
their own hands ; if the immortal Washin'GTON 
could put his name to such an instrument — if the 
illustrious Jefferson could sutier additional 
branches to be extended through the Union, which 
he could prevent — if the meek and honored Madi- 
son could, also, contrary even to all his early .scru- 
ples, when President of the United States, see suf- 
ficient grounds to change his opinions for his coun- 
try's good — if the revered Monroe could also 
sanction such an institution as a Bank, — why, I ask, 
should such opposition be made to Mr. Clay for 
his opinions? As I formerly mentioned, General 
Jackson himself said, he could give a plan for a 
Bank, which would be constitutional. It has been 
considered constitutional by five Congresses, four 
Presidents, by repeated decisions of the Supreme 
Court, by the people, who are the highest of all 
authority, and by its forty years' salutary operations 
on the interests of the country. It is also deemed 
constitutional by Legislatures to charter Banks in 
tlieir respective States ; they legalize their notes 
as a currency, yet their circulation is dependent 
and fluctuating. One State may issue notes, and 
another may prohibit their circulation within its 
limits. Indiana might create an institution, which 
would be for the interest of Illinois and Ohio to 
destroy. Now, if the individual States possess 
banking powers for State purposes, why not the 
United States for National purposes ? In the case 
before stated, is not the indispensable necessity 
observable for a Regulator of the whole curren- 
cy ? Suppose the sister States, to disagree on these 
and many other points, so seriously as to cause a 
rupture— where would rest the healing power? 
It is evident that a paramount authority must exist 
somewhere. A National Regulator would possess 
permanency, stability and uniformity, and operate 
equally on all throughout the whole Union, where- 
as the currency of each State possesses none of 
those requisites. Why the very name of the Uni- 
ted States in the currency matter is, by many es- 
teemed as ridiculous — instead of an union in the 
most important of all things, there is disunion ! 
Exchanges vary nearly as much between sister and 
friendly States, as between the most distant and 
hostile countries. It is said that a National Insti- 
tution would possess political power and subserve 
party purposes. What has Mr. Clay said on this 
point? '-The next consideration which induced 
ine to oppose the renewal of the old charter, was, 



that I believed the corporation had, during a por- 
tion of the period of its existence, abused its pow- 
ers, and had sought to subserve the views 
or a political party. — I answer, the fate of 
the old Bank ^^■arning all similar institutions to 

SHUN politics, WITH W^HICH THEY OUGHT NOT 

TO HAVE ANY CONCERN." It is manifest to every 
reasonable man, that the coining of money is alto- 
gether in the hands of Congress, and it has power 
to make all laws which are necessary and proper 
to execute its prerogative. When the last Fiscal 
Agent was vetoed, it was thought by many that 
something Avould be proposed to meet the wants of 
the country. Mr. Clay then said, " God speed 
you in any measure which will serve the country, 
and preserve or restore harmony and concert be- 
tween the departments of government." 

The people's good is his only aim, and he would 
never act against their will. 

XIV. IT IS EXPEDIENT. 

It is universally acknowledged, that many of the 
States are indebted in the sum of millions of dollars. 
We are notwithstanding told, that we are in a flour- 
ishing condition, and prayers of thanksgiving areof- 
fered up to the Supreme Arbiter of Nations for our 
numerous blessings. If a retrograde progression is 
admissible, these things are so. If repudiation and 
insolvency form component parts of national bless- 
ings, then indeed are we truly blessed. I should, 
however, prefer my prayers to be offered up to 
preserve our States from any further disgrace, and 
ask God to throw over them the mantle of his pro- 
tection, in this the time of their trial. We are rep- 
resented as eminently prosperous, when at the 
same time, we were never so low in credit or 
abilitj". 

In those days when the States were nearly all 
solvent, our creHit was good, and our currency uni- 
form and real. When the shouts of Beinocrucy 
were not so loudl)* proclaimed, but its spirit and 
^elfccts more generally felt, we had reason to be 
thankful for our happiness. In those days every 
thing which formed a basis for the welfare of the 
Republic and the prosperity of the citizens, was 
interwoven with the then existing institutions of 
the country. Honcstj- was the pass-word to credit, 
and industry to wealth. A foreigner who landed 
here thirteen years ago, would scarcely believe, that 
it was now the same country. The system of leg- 
islation has so much changed, and not for the bet- 
ter. In times of peace, a nation is expected to 
prosper, and add greatly to her resources. When 
affairs remain stationary it is an evidence of the 
declining state of a country. It must be worse, 
when a nation cannot even remain stationary, but 
sinks in a few years some hundred millions of dol- 
lars. If our government were wisely administered, 
the wealth of the country must necessarily increase 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



13 



in proportion to the healthy increase of its popula- 
tion. This is certainly the case in a country like 
this, when the producers exceed the consunniers, 
almost in a ratio of two to one. In order to effect 
a remedy for those mad steps of innovation, let us 
retrace our footsteps to first princi|)lcs. 

If we examine the history of this youthful Re- 
public, we will observe, that after the last war, 
when a great debt was contracted, the wisdom of 
the country settled down upon the expediency of 
establishing a National Bank as a means of relief. 
It was also thought expedient in the early days of 
the Republic. The patriots then, I suppose, knew 
nothing about their Constitution. It is presumed 
lliat they left it for the wise-acres of this day to 
settle that question. They talked less then, but 
did more than is now done. If the country requir- 
ed any relief, it was granted. The nation was 
then represented, not faction. If it was expedient 
formerly to establish a Bank, when the exigencies 
of the country required it, it is likewise now. If a 
new and vigorous impulse be again given to the 
enterprise and industry of the people, ihe resources 
of the country will be more speedily developed, and 
now, as formerly, all debts will be washed away 
from the escutcheon of our national honor, and the 
integrity of the Union will again be proclaimed by 
the sister States, and through them to the most re- 
mote regions of the earth. The amount of capital 
now invested in the Public Works of the various 
States of the Confederacy, and producing nothing, 
would, if a little more could be obtained, shortly be 
finished, and thenceforward form a source of reve- 
nue to the States. Illinois has several millions in- 
vested in her Internal Improvements, which for 
the most part are useless, and even falling into 
ruin. One-fourth of what has already been spent, 
would complete her magnificent Canal, — as it is. 
the dilapidation gradually taking place, will require 
ere long double the amount to finish it. " A stitch 
in time saves nine." It will also save the accu- 
mulation of interest. This may be said of other 
States. 

If the people think that a Bank is unconstitu- 
tional, it is their high privilege to instruct their 
Delegates to furnish them with such an institution, 
as will suit them. Mr. Clay would never veto 
their request, when so expressed. His whole life 
is distinguished for his opposition to Executive 
power, and particularly to the veto power. Elect 
him and he will obey you. 

XV. THE UNSETTT.ED STATE OF THE 
CURRENCY. 

A healthy and well regulated Currency is indis- 
pensable to the well-being of a nation. Great in- 
juries have been inflicted on many countries by 
tampering with this branch of political ethics. 
France was brought to the brink of des-truction by 



her assignais. and England was nearly reduced to 
bankruptcy b\^ the same means. Reference was 
had to this subject in the last Presidential election. 
The Administration of Mr. Yant Bukkn was 
accused of sanctioning the destruction of the Na- 
tional Bank, and establishing the Sub-Treasury a3 
a substitute. Issue was taken on the merits of 
both, and the latter was almost universally con- 
demned. The question was not agitated in all the 
States, I admit, as a great national measure, by the 
Whig party. However, the Van Buren party in- 
sisted on it, in all the States as the chief matter in 
controversy. The result was, notwithstanding the 
objections made by some of the southern States' 
Right party, particularly in the State of Virginia, 
that all entered the lists as Bank or Anti-Bank 
men. The result of the contest is well known. 
The issue will not vary in the approaching con- 
test. It is now time, that innovation and experi- 
ments should cease, and a more settled state of 
afi'airs be established. Never was a countiy so 
trammelled as this has been for the last fourteen 
years by the ruinous experiments made on the 
Currency of the people. Nothing would seem to 
have permanency, save our glorious Constitution, 
which yet remains inviolate as a future guide. 
From the date of the multiplication of " Pet 
Banks," may be traced the mad ambition which 
jjrompted men to embark on those wild and vision- 
ary speculations, which terminated in many in- 
stances so unhappily. When these institutions 
began to brood over the face of the land, they bore 
every resemblance to the revival of the "Golden 
Jge." Their partizans increased in proportion to 
their numbers and the accommodations they con- 
ferred. It would seera as if, at certain periods, 
from causes unknown to human wisdom, a univer- 
sal frenzy seizes mankind, reason and experience 
are alike forgotten, and the very men who are to 
perish in the storm are the fii'st to raise its fury. 
From individual corporations, the contagion spread 
into State Legislatures. In the first onset, all tlie 
plans proposed were effected. Large cities arose, 
as if by magic. Canals and Rail-Roads wore made 
to pass by the doors of the good Democrats, who 
were the chief agents in getting up such a prosper- 
ous state of things. An occasional murmur might 
be heard from the unrewarded partizans — but no 
sooner heard, than mill-sites would be furnished 
and large quantities of pictures lent them, to erect 
spacious mills thereon. Some received one borais, 
others another — and for a while every thing seemed 
to be index of the most unheard of prosperity. 
But alas 1 the bubbles soon burst, and left nothing 
but empty barrels of sand and round stone for the 
specie, with which the pictures were to be re- 
deemed, and which they were said to represent. 
Their fictitious wealth had taken to itself wings 
and fled, but not without leaving behind the 



14 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



traces of its desolating influence. Napoleon re- 
warded his generals with splendid titles ; in many 
instances he placed crowns on their heads. He 
caused the countries he vanquished to support his 
armies. Wherever his troops passed they left be- 
hind them poverty and starvation. The spoils which 
the victors received were not French, but became 
Fri'Hch by conquest. In this country, when the 
war had ceased between the President and the 
Bank, the generals received high commissions in 
the new order of things. The old marshals were 
reduced to the rank and file, and ihe clamorous 
partizans of the victor were unexpectedly raised to 
their dignities. Had Mr. Clay's warning voice 
then been heard, and his advice taken, these disas- 
ters would not have befallen the States. He is yet 
living to restore the Currency, and recommend the 
necessary measures of relief. 

XVI. HIS PROTECTION OF AMERICAN 
LABOR. 

It is now thirty-four years since this vital ques- 
tion was introduced in Congress. The discussion 
arose in reference to the purchasing of various 
munitions of war. At that time, the duties of im- 
port were exclusively for revenue. The country 
was under the necessity of depending upon and re- 
ceiving from foreign nations all the manufactured 
articles which were absolutely necessary. It was 
certainly disgraceful, and the great men of 1S09 
must have sensibly felt it, that this Republic had to 
depend on the ingenuity and industry of Europe to 
be furnished with even the necessary articles of 
domestic comfort. A bill was introduced in that 
year, with the following clause: " That preference 
should be given to articles of American growth 
and manufacture." Mr. Clay gave this national 
measure his ardent support — a«(l from that act, 
may be traced the source of our American manu- 
factures. In giving the preference to articles of 
American growth, it excited a general spirit of rival- 
ry among all classes, to approximate the imported 
goods. The energies of the artizans were aroused 
to action ; factories were erfected throughout the 
country, and a ready market was immediately pro- 
cured for every thing. The same spirit which ac- 
tuated freemen to deny themselves tea, now 
prompted them to reject from their abodes every 
species of import which came in competition with 
their own. Mr. Clay in all his public acts, 
evinces a patriotic inflexibility of purpose, with an 
extraordinary zeal in the successful termination of 
their intended effects. He stamps his own identity 
on his measures, and never shrinks from any re- 
sponsibility incurred. To show his interest in the 
protective policy, while a member of the Kentucky 
Legislature, he moved that each member should 
clothe himself from head to foot in domestic fabrics. 
He remarked on the failure of another bill of a 



similar kind in 1820 — " Our complete independence 
will only be consummated after the policy of this 
bill shall be recognized and adopted." It is im- 
possible to deny the paternity of the American 
system, to this eminent statesman ; already one en- 
during monument does announce to the world the 
successful author. On the Cumberland Road it 
stands. But this, though a proud tropliy, the 
spontaneous gift of freemen, speaks too feebly ; a 
louder, a clearer, a more general approbation is 
now to be bestowed by a grateful nation in elect- 
ing him to assume a more exalted position, in the 
chair of State, in the White House in Washington. 
All mechanics will contribute toward this happy 
event. Were it nut for the American system, what 
would be the use of European artizans emigrating 
hither. The markets here would be all filled with 
Uie manufactured goods of the countries which they 
left. Without a patriotic sacrifice on the part of 
Americans, the same state of things would exist 
here now, that does there, but infinitely worse. A 
suit of clothes can be purchased in London or Paris 
for the price of making here. Cabinet ware is two 
hundred per cent, cheaper. All the mechanical 
work can be purchased at from one to four hun- 
dred per cent, less in Europe than in America. 
Wages are in the same proportion. A labouring 
man here receives $1.00 per day, there less thaa 
25 cents — on an average about 12i cts.— mechanics 
at the same rate ; consequently a laborer can pur- 
chase as much in Europe for his daily wages, at a 
small rate, as he can here for a large rate. By re- 
moving the protective policy, our markets here 
will be flooded with their goods, the Americans 
cannot sell as low as they, hence the British are 
preferred. They return to their country and enrich 
it at our expense ; we assist them to elevate the 
standard of wages there, at the same time we drive 
our own mechanics from the country. 

But it does not end here ; one of the great 
avenues which lead to national ruin and degrada- 
tion is open, and the thousands of artizans who now 
are busily engaged in bringing this system to per- 
fection, will be hurried into ruin. None will feel 
this blow heavier than the adopted citizens. The 
wao-es which are now received will not be giveu 
when the manufacturing interests become para- 
lyzed, and hence arises the necessity of another 
measure. 

XVII. THE TARIFF. 
The statesman who removes all restrictions upou 
personal liberty, industry or property, compatible 
with the true interests of the people, is justly styled 
a national benefactor. All efforts which tend to 
the emancipation of a country from foreign in- 
fluence, are praiseworthy. True liberty cannot 
exist without salutary restrictions ; a certain degree 
of warmth is requisite to vivify and cherish animal 



HENRT CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDE.\T. 



15 



life. The first duty of a law-giver is to legislate 
for his own citizens, to protect his own commerce, 
incite his own industry, and increase his own re- 
sources. Free trade necessarily implies fair trade. 
Should this country admit foreign goods here, free 
from duty, and other nations deny us the same pri- 
vilege, it would not be fair ti-ade. If we meet 
them half-way, we have done our duty. England 
exports broadcloth, and imports bread-stuffs. She 
desires light duties. We likewise desire the same. 
It is said in England that the farming interests will 
be materially injured by allowing these Republican 
fellows to make this country a market for their beef 
and pork ; to prevent this, let us raise an additional 
tax on their imports. It is immediately done, the 
duty levied on them is so high, that they become 
dearer than the English products ; whereas had they 
not done this, our friends across the waters could eat 
and drink at a much less expense than they now 
do. On the other hand, we import many of their 
goods, which it would be much better for us never 
to see, and we lay on them a light tax, merely suf- 
ficient for revenue. John Bull laughs at the Yan- 
kee Simpletons. These fellows, says he, can fight 
well ; this I can vouch for by experience, but they 
cannot come within a ten-foot pole of us in legisla- 
tion. They allow us the balance of trade, though 
they decidedly should and ought to have it. Now, 
we, the plain Democrats of America, can do much 
better without their supra, superfine broadcloth, 
tlian their starving millions can do without the 
staff of life, our grain and pork. We ought to re- 
sent the tyranny of that relentless power, which 
famishes the laboring classes of our old acquaint- 
ances, by protecting their landed agricultural inter- 
ests. A nation should always be prepared to main- 
tain itself in the greatest emergency, from its own 
resources ; in order to this, it should be taught and 
encouraged to develop them before the danger ap- 
proaches. The least dependence on foreign inter- 
course, unless on the broad basis of international 
reciprocity, is the best. All advancements made in 
the arts, are a present and lasting benefit to a coun- 
try. If we can manufacture enough for our own 
wants, in wearing apparel, it is so much clear gain. 
If we then look to the various branches of Society, 
which are employed and indirectly benefitted there- 
from, the most intelligent will be astounded. Our 
furniture, in like manner. In fact, every thing. 
French wines, Italian Puppets, German clocks, 
English hardware, carpets, &c., could nearly all be 
dispensed with. Harper's Ferry would not now 
be the great depot for small arms, or New England 
almost rival Old England in all things, and excel 
her in many modern improvements in the arts, 
were it not for the Tariff. Let sectional feeling be 
buried. All America should be of one voice and 
one mind on this subject, and ere long the South 
itself would benefit therefrom. This can be de- 
jnourftratcd. 



In the first place, the Northern States through a 
sense of national brotherhood would alford the peo- 
ple of the South all tlie means in their power to re- 
lieve themselves from any grievances introduced by 
their patriotic sacrifice ; in the next place, they 
would be thrown on their own resources, and I 
am sure the chivalrous South possesses many. 
A commercial spirit would of necessity be reviv- 
ed, and the enterprize of iheir own sons, in their 
own ships, would not only bring affairs to a pro- 
per equilibrium, but would ere long give them 
also, a preponderating influence. When the en- 
tire nation is unanimous, then will a new vigour 
re-animate the citizens, and our extensive prairies 
will soon be covered with snowy flocks, our 
rivulets wilt smile with the innumerable factories 
which will ornament their banks. 

The Tariff is not oppressive, but remedial ; it is 
not vindictive, but merciful. Mr. Clay is its sup- 
porter and defender. This, however great a mea- 
sure, has received his cordial approbation, but 
when the South revolted at what they called its 
obnoxious features, we find him again sacrificing 
his predilections on the platform of the Constitution 
and integrity of the Union. We behold him at 
that crisis in our affairs becoming the effectual 
mediator by introducing the following measure. 

XVIII. THE COMPROMISE ACT. 
The most stable institutions can be overturned 
with rapidity, and therefore the necessity of sacri- 
ficing much, lest they might be endangered. None 
are so rash as those who are least qualified to 
govern. None so worthy to govern as those who are 
least desirous to assume authority. The man whose 
talents are generally known, and integrity always 
above suspicion, never fails to excite attention and 
command respect in matters of great national mo- 
ment. Never was this Republic in such danger 
of civil commotion, as in that period of her past 
history, when it became necessary to have this 
measure adopted. One rash step, one rash blow, 
might then precipitate this glorious Confederacy 
into a civil war. True it is, South Carolina could 
not make an efl'ectual or successful resistance, but 
she was a sovereign State, and her interests would 
eventually be espoused by others, and the flame 
would be gradually extended, until it had involved 
the whole people in national strife. The sincere 
patriot, at every juncture in his country's history, 
will always be found ready, not only to come half- 
way to settle disputes, but will, Roman-like, if 
necessary, sacrifice his life, to save his father-land 
from the horrors of a civil war. Mr. Clay, with 
his usual sagacity, perceived the crisis to be two- 
fold, financial and social, the first caused by em- 
barrassments from trade, the second and most dan- 
gerous from sectional causes. He accordingly 
with the skill of an experienced commander, sug- 



16 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



gested a measure of accommodation commensurate 
with the exigencies of the case. He well under- 
stood that the Tariff, as then existing, could not be 
maintained, and also, that it could not be entirely 
suspended. Conciliation and harmony were re- 
stored by a com])romising act, which enabled all to 
look on each other as citizens of the same Repub- 
lic, and mutually interested in, and dependent on 
each other's prosperity. By making concessions 
then, the confidence of all was restored. It would 
be fortunate for the people, if a compromise in 
other matters, could have been made at a later day. 
between their Delegates and Executive. Much of 
our present State indebtedness might have been 
prevented, and much ruinous innovation avoided, 
and we would be now enjoying a good, uniform 
currency ; a sound, healthy credit system, and a 
growing national prosperity. JMr. Clay, on this 
question, said, — "If there be any who want civil 
war — who want to see the blood of any portion of 
our countrymen spilled, I am not one of them. 
I ^vish to see war of no kind ; but above all, I 
do not desire to see a civil war. When war 
begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight 
is competent to foresee when, or how, or where 
it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be 
lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, 
and armies are marching, and commanders are 
winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on 
our coast — tell me, if you can, tell me, if any hu- 
man being can tell its duration. God alone knows, 
when such a war would end. In what a state 
will be left our institutions. In what state our 
liberties. I want no war ; above all, no war at 
home. Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina 
has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the 
wrong, but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any 
other member ol' the Union. No ; I do not desire 
to see the lustre of one single star dimmed, of tliat 
glorious Confederacy which constitutes our politi- 
cal system, still less do I wish to see it blotted out, 
and its light obliterated for ever. Has not the 
State of South Carolina been one of the members 
of ihis Union in the ' days that tried men's souls ?' 
Have not her ancestors fought along-side our an- 
cestors ? H-ave we not conjointly won together 
many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a 
civil war with such a State, how would it termi- 
nate? Whenever it should have terminated, wliat 
would be her condition ? If she should ever return 
to the Union, what would be the condition of her 
feelings and affections? what the state of the heart 
of her people ? She has been with us before, when 
her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and 
a.5 I hope our posterity will mingle with hers, for 
ages and centuries to come, in the united defence 
of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union, 
I do not w-ish to see her degraded or defaced as a 
member of this Confederacy. In conclusion, allow 



me to entreat and implore each individual member 
of this body, to bring into the consideration of this 
measure, which I have had the honor of proposing, 
the same love of country which, if I know myself, 
has actuated me, and the same desire of restoring 
harmony to the Union, which has prompted this 
elibrt. If we can forget for a moment — but that 
would be asking too much of human nature- — if we 
could suffer, for one moment, party feelings and 
party causes — and, as I stand here before my God, 
I declare 1 have looked beyond those considerations, 
and regarded only the vast interests of this united 
people— I should hope that, under such feelings, 
and with such dispositions, we may advantageously 
proceed to the consideration of this biU, and heal, 
before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our 
distracted country." Such language, such sen- 
timents could not fail in restoring mutual harmony. 
The Tariff was modified, and the Union — the sa- 
cred Union — still remains inviolate. 

XIX. IT WOULD BE GOOD NATIONAL 
POLICY. 

It is the duty, as well as the privilege, of the 
people to investigate the conduct of their public 
servants. When they find it uniformly on the side 
of those principles which promote their happiness, 
and secure their prosperity, they should rest con- 
tent. That system of national policy which ope- 
rates unjustly, ought to be instantly abolished. 
AH useless expenses should be curtailed, and every 
thing which is irrelevant to the reasonable and just 
demands of the country, should not be allowed to 
exist. In the examination of the national expendi- 
tures, no regard whatsoever should be had to party. 
Every man is equally interested. There is an er- 
roneous abuse at this moment existing in the ad- 
ministration of the affairs of the Post Office depart- 
ment. Members of Congress, and other privileged 
persons, are in the constant and criminal habit of 
cheating the government out of large sums of 
money, by reason of their abuse of the franking 
privilege. The Report of the Postmaster General, 
at a late Session of Congress, has stated " that 
ninety -five per cent, goes free of all duty, and letters 
of business and private correspondence have to 
defray the expenses of the whole." The present 
postage of letters is too high, and should be imme- 
diately reduced. 

The following Resolution was proposed bj- Mr. 
Cl.\y, in March, 1842 : "Resolved, that the frank- 
ing privilege ought to be further restricted, the 
abusive uses of it restrained and punished, the post- 
age on letters reduced, the mode of estimating dis- 
tances more clearly defined and prescribed, and a 
small addition to postage made on Books, pamphlets, 
and packages, transmitted by mail, to be gradu- 
ated and increased, according to their respective 
wei'-'hts." Now the great mass of the people 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDEiVT. 



17 



would be directly benefited by this, and very few 
would be affected by any portion of the same. It 
is exceedingly difficult, owing to the present rate 
of postage, to have correspondences held between 
the most intimate friends to any extent ; twenty- 
five cents, frequently spent in this manner, would 
be very perceptibly felt amongst all the other re- 
quisitions of a family. It is unjust — it is cruel — 
that in a Republican government such an unequal 
mode of legislation should any longer be continued. 
This order of things should be reversed. I have 
seen large quantities of blank envelopes, ready 
franked, to be shared out to friends in common, in 
the taverns and hotels in Washington. They are 
sent by hundreds, yea, by thousands, through the 
country, by mail. The sovereign people must 
remedy this. 

We have ambassadors in some foreign courts, 
where they are not necessary. Neither are these 
diplomatic relations reciprocated by them. The 
honor of this Republic should insist upon recipro- 
city of international courtesy, and not force them- 
selves into any position which might be attributed 
to causes of doubtful motives. In opening new 
relations, this would be justifiable; it is dishonor- 
able to continue them in countries where they are 
not accredited. Mr. Clay's Resolution on this 
point: •'Resolved, that the diplomatic relations of 
the United States with foreign powers have been 
unnecessarily extended, during the last twelve 
years, and ought to be reduced." Since Mr. 
Adam's Administration, he says, that foreign min- 
isters of the first grade have nearly doubled, and 
that of ministers of the second grade have nearly 
tripled. It would seem that the increase of diplo- 
matists has been made through a desire of reward- 
ing the partizans of party. We ought to dispense 
with those ministers who represent us in courts j 
which do not reciprocate our representation. The I 
mileage of members of Congress should be rendered | 
uniform, and its rates materially reduced. As it 
now is, it forms additional inducements for gentle- 
men to feed out of the public crib. Those who 
live at a distance can each save enougli out of their 
mileage, to support a family of eight or ten per- 
sons comfortably for a year. I remark here, that 
every penny saved to the government, is two pence 
saved to the people, for out of the people's pockets 
all additional expenses must come. It is not just 
to cut down the wages of poor messengers and la- 
borers, in Washington and elsewhere, and, at the 
same time, leave the high functionaries untouched. 
Mr. Ci.AY has positively declared, "that we should 
begin witli ourselves," — if it has not been done, it 
is not his fault,— and I am certain, that he will 
contribute to restore the poor watchmen and others 
to the old standard of wages, and establish a 
new and beneficial system of equalizing salaries, 
according to their relative merits. This is too 

3 



much neglected ; every thing is now tending to 
make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. 

XX. OUR NATIONAL HONOR. 

There is not an individual living, who does not 
feel desirous to support his character ; those who 
unfortunately may have lost it, endeavor to reclaim 
it. Men who render themselves odious to their 
neighbours, can emigrate to other regions and 
learn to avoid rendering themselves such in their 
new associations. Nations sulfer infinitely more 
under dishonor than individuals; they being made 
up of many, will proportionably suffer, all indiscri- 
minately, the innocent with the guilty. 

Nations are deprived of the power of loco-motion, 
hence their suffering becomes the more intense. 
It is not intimated now, that the Federal Govern- 
ment is directly laboring under any imputations of 
national degradation. No, it never has ; may God 
grant it never will. Foreign powers, so f;ir as tlie 
people at large are concerned, view this Republic 
in a light different to wliat it really is. They in 
the main consider that each State is not individual- 
ly capable of separate sovereignty. It is evident, 
they are correct to a limited degree ; it, however, 
most unluckily happens that they are mistaken in 
their general view of the case ; and particularly so 
in the matter in which they are more immediately 
concerned, viz : the power of contracting debts, 
&c. If the State of Illinois borrows money of 
England on the strength of her State bonds, of 
course it is a distinct and separate contract made 
between an individual State, and a Supreme power, 
or citizens of another Government. The other 
States who were not parties to the contract could 
not become responsible more than the several mem- 
bers of a family would become by the acts of an in- 
dividual member, who was originally capable to 
act. However, the same interest which a family 
feels in the welfare of each individual in it, should 
be felt by the Federal Union in each State. If one 
member commits a fault through indiscretion or 
otherwise, all endeavour to relieve him of the odium 
attached thereto. Let us extend the figure. A 
family consists of twenty-six persons, fourteen of 
tliem have contracted debts of large amounts in 
money, goods, fee. One of them absolutely refuses 
to pay, others arc half inclined to legalize the vio- 
lation of their contract, and all are unable. It is 
evident that the remaining twelve, suffer in their 
credit, and must ultimately share in the dishonor. 
The whole farail}'' are ranked as one, and judged 
as one. In the same manner, England, France 
and Holland, will view this Republic, and the in- 
nocent States will be associated with the guiltj*. 
It however, is not quite an analogous case. The 
Slates may have measurably lost their credit 
abroad, but it has never entered into tlieir serious 
thoughts one moment, to repudiate tlieir lawful and 



18 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



honorable debts. And the Federal Government 
knowinej this, should immediately recommend to 
their consideration every feasible plan to expedite 
them to discharge the uttermost farthing. It would 
not be advisable to have the nation assume the 
debts of the States, it would be a ruinous precedent 
to establish, where such various rival interests 
would be reached. Many States have no debts 
hanging over them, they should not be included. 
It would be impossible to bring this supposition to 
a favourable issue. But infuse into the members of 
the Confederacy a healthy fluid, which will wash 
away all the old leaven, and create a new circula- 
tion in the political arteries, and erelong the whole 
matter will be set to right. Remedial measures 
are now necessary; let them be used. In the first 
place let the national pruning knife be applied to 
all excrescences, and immediate aid afforded to those 
States which now have works lying unfinished, and 
becoming irrecoverably dilapidated. Millions will 
be saved to the country, by the prudent counsels 
of a benevolent Government. Our national honor 
has suffered abroad, but at home it remains invio- 
late. Every dollar will be paid, without reference 
to the opinion of others, through a high sense of 
moral obligation. Rally round the standard of 
Clay, who has maintained at all times, and on 
every occasion an undying love for the honor of his 
country ; he is the father of the Internal Improve- 
ment system. You have not heard his fatherly ad- 
vice ; he warned you of both Scylla and Charybdis. 
Return like the prodigal child, to your father's 
house, and in the true spirit of contrition, say, 
father we have sinned, and are no more worthy to 
be called thy children. You will be received, and 
I have no doubt, that, laying aside all party feelings 
you and all of us will rejoice at the happy results. 
Read his last speech but one in the Senate — 
"The true policy of the nation," and you cannot 
but be convinced of his wisdom and abilitj' to adopt 
it. 

XXI. OUR CHARACTER ABROAD. 

It would be a matter unworthy of consideration 
to bring this reason before the public eye, particu- 
larly as our national honor has just been alluded to, 
were it not of all others the most momentous, and 
pre-eminently important. We live in a country of 
recent origin, one which has but just burst asunder 
the manacles of antiquated servility, and launched 
forth from the contest, free, regenerate and disen- 
thralled. It would be in vain for us to examine 
the pages of history, to find any nation in ancient 
or modern times placed in corresponding relative 
position with this. Ancient Greece once was the 
ornament of the world, yet her example was to 
this as a cipher to infinity. Rome spread her con- 
quests far and wide, and her victories were marked 
with beneficent traces, and attended with vivifying 



and soul-cheering results. The conquests of Rome 
in no case begot subjugation, their object was 
fraternization. Her antagonists, for the most part, 
were feeble, ignorant and barbarous. The Gre- 
cians now are the subjects of a foreign King, and 
Italy is dismembered and partitioned oif between 
other powers. France attempted to start into a 
new existence. She commenced in blood ; she 
terminated her inelfectual attempts in monarchy. 
Anarchy and the Reign of Terror, butchered in cold 
blood tens of thousands of their own citizens. In 
the short space of twenty-six years, she passed 
through every form of Government, and every 
shade of crime known to humanity. Svvitzeiland 
is but a feint echo of freedom. San Marino alone 
in the Old World, stands erect in the freedom of 
Nature's God. It may be said that this country is 
the only consistent Republic that ever existed. It 
possesses all the beauties of the ancient Common- 
wealths, with none of their deibrmities,— all their 
strength, with none of their weakness. 

Is it nothing then for the oppressed, the down- 
trodden cause of humanity, that this country should 
present to the world the glorious example of its 
superior form of Government; millions of millions 
of living souls like ours.-'lves, look up to this Repub- 
lic as the great lever by which their civil burdens are 
to be removed. Already the European press — the 
hireling of base tyranny is pouring out its venom 
upon us, in relation to our cheating propensities ; 
the tourists who visit our Republic and are treated 
as Angels, return home, and calumniate us most 
unmercifully ; some of them say we eat too fast, 
others say we are filthy, all say we arc dishonest. 
It would be much more to the credit of these base 
revilers — these babbling strollers, tiiat they fii-st 
looked at home, and then travel. The immorality, 
dishonesty, lewdness, tyranny, poverty, squuiid- 
ness, filth, fee. of Englaml are as much beyond 
those of this country as Chimberazo is above 
the mountains of Derbyshire. American jour- 
nalists when they return from Europe, write and 
speak like gentlemen, of the countries which 
they visited. We can learn from Allison and their 
other iBodern histoiians that this R'epublic has 
wofuUy failed, and they haive the impudence even 
now to state that we are utterly and irretirievabiy 
lost. They had belter be cautious ; they might per- 
haps have a chance ere long, to t,7iiell of the fuires 
of the Democracy of this country, in a manner 
which might give their olfactories a more serious 
cause of oiience. All these things show that com- 
in"^ events cast their shadows before ; that they utter 
the sentiments oftheir minds, the promptings of their 
prejudices; that they desire our ruin. Our mole- 
hills are magnified into mountains. Their moun- 
tains are levelled down to mole-hills. Oar credit 
is on the wane abroad, this is abundantly suscepti- 
ble of proof; and we have reason to lament the 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



19 



truth of the accusation to some extent. The mari- 
ner who descries an approaching storm, may with 
certainty predict that its violence will he ultimate- 
ly stilled, but he knows not whether his own vessel 
will survive its fuiy. It would be madness to entrust 
the management of bringing back lost credit, to 
those who have been the cause of it ; by continuing 
the same mode of legislation, we can never recover 
it ; on the contrary, by analysis we sliall become 
worse. The destructive policy which disables the 
energies of a people and empoverishes a country, 
should be condemned. By entrusting the aliairs 
into t^ie handsof those who o])posed the unwarrant- 

' ed and headlong course of the men who introduced 
these suicidal measures, we act as judicious and 
sensible citizens. Mr. Clay proposes a plain, 
tangible proposition, by means of which the gov- 

' ernment will sustain itself without the aid of any 
taxation on the citizens of his country, and at the 
same time save two millions towards paying off the 
debt of the Federal Union, and two millions more 
for contingent expenses. He will also introduce a 
policy which will enable the Slates to pay olf their 
debts, and preserve their credit abroad. No man 
ever lived in this or any other country, more de- 
sirous than he to see his honored — his loved — his 
idolized father-land out of the njach of foreign 
Capitalists and domestic Shin-Plaster, Red Dog, 
Wild Cat, Sand Stone, Canal Scrip influence. 

! ■ Would to God, that every act of his life, and every 
motive of his heart were properly understood by 
his generous countrymen ; they would tlien nem. 
con. place him where his talents would adorn, and 
his wisdom guide^they would make him Presi- 
dent — they will do so — he has been a calumniated, 
an abused patriot. Our country needs him. We 
shall — we must have him. 

^ XXII. OUR DOMESTIC RELATIONS RE- 
QUIRE IT. 
It is a fact worthy of admiration, that our happy 
Constitution has fulfilled the expectations ofits most 
sanguine friemis, and hitherto entirely frustrated the 
hopes ofits most deadly foes. It cannot, however, 
be denied that there are some ardent, needy, profli- 
gate and ambitious individuals prowling abroad 
amongst us, in tiie various capacities of journalists, 
lecturers, ti-act-mongers, abolitionists, natives, anti- 
popeiy men, &c.. Sec, who are generally British 
Agents in disguise, commissioned by the deluded 
fanatics or wily diplomatists of that jealous power 
to promote sedition amongst us, or sow the seeds of 
discord in the ranks of the moft united and hap- 
piest citizens the world ever saw. The Alien and 
Sedition law was passed in 1798, when no greater 
cause existed than now. It is true that odious 
measure was repealed, and the gallant Kentuckians 

I were the first to set their faces against it, and none 
opposed it more manfully than Henry Clay. Let 



this be remembered, it was one of his first acts, 
and it is one which should immortalize him in the 
estimation of all adopted citizens. It would be 
well if the naturalized citizens would organize 
themselves openly and constitutionally in all our 
large cities, for the purpose of watching those 
prowling English saints — those emissaries of an- 
archy and blood, and report their treacherous 
machinations to the proper authorities. The Abo- 
lition question is fraught with evil consequences to 
the perpetuity of our institutions, the peace and 
harmony of our citizens, and should as such be dis- 
countenanced by every sincere patriot. Prudence, 
however, is necessary on the part of the South — 
the 21st rule should be repealed. It increases the 
number of these misguided men, and constitutes an 
issue which is entirely foreign from the Abolition 
question. The proscribing the sacred right of 
petition appears to the world an extraordinary en- 
actment in the freest government on the globe. 
Slavery is certainly incompatible with liberty, but 
liberty could not be enjoyed here without slavery. 
This is strange, but it is true. IMr. O'Connell, my 
much respected and talented countryman, through 
his excessive fondness for freedom, has run into an 
error of great magnitude, on this question ; and 
with his opinion we have nothing to do. Mr. 
Clay has endeavored to effect the emancipation of 
the slaves in Kentucky after the manner of Penn- 
sjdvania. He is not in favor of rejecting petitions 
on this or any other question. He understands the 
true policy. 

Every thing for the Union and the Union for us. 
It was said in the campaign of 1840, that if the 
Whigs came into power, the naturalization laws 
would be repealed. Tliey did come into power, 
and what is strange, I understand that not a single 
petition was presented for their repeal. If we are to 
judge the future by the past, the Native American 
party will not receive any countenance from him, 
or his party. The uncompromising foe of the 
Alien and Sedition law, the unwavering friend of 
Greece, Poland and South America, will not shut 
out the sons of bondage, who will emigrate to ids 
shores, or abridge their privileges. He who was 
the first to encourage the nation to Internal Im- 
provements, whereby we received employment ; 
who urged a war with Great Britain, almost ex- 
clusively because she claimed us as her citizens, 
and forcibly impressed us into her service. He, to 
proscribe the foreigners, in defence of whom his 
whole life has been devoted ! He, abridge the 
rights and liberties of citizens on Ids own soil, who 
has so generously battled for them for those of 
other soils, would bo a contradiction of his whole 
life. We need not be alarmed on this ground. 
None desire this, but a few discontented residents 
of large cities, who are disappointed in some of 
their foi;d expectations. We should not be seduced 



20 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



from the path of duty, by the professions of inter- 
ested partizans and designing demagogues. There 
are not three ; I know not, that there is one emi- 
nent or distinguished citizen in either party, known 
as a politician, who would countenance such an 
obnoxious measure. Certainly, Mr. Clay never 
would. In view then of this statesman, hitherto 
distinguishing himself on all occasions of public 
excitement, by compromising ditficulties. and as 
some very important ones now begin to embroil our 
domestic relations, it would be wise to call him in, 
and get a litUe of his old panacea to cure ever}'' 
thing which afflicts the nation. 

XXIII. GRATITUDE FOR HIS ABLE SUP- 
PORT OF THE WAR. 

Mr. Clay was elected a member of the House 
of Representatives in 1811, his Senatorial term 
having then expired. He was honored with the 
Speaker's Chair by an almost unanimous vote. 
Our foreign relations were then in a very critical 
condition. The conduct of Great Britain in par- 
ticular toweirds us was overbearing and insulting ; 
she was then Mistress of the Seas, — her flag was 
decorated with the trophies of Camperdown, the 
Nile and Trafalgar, — on that element her dominion 
was nearly complete. Her armies, flushed with 
the victories of Portugal, and the conquest of Hin- 
dostan, again excited in Briton's breasts, the latent 
revenge for their inglorious Surrender at Yorktown. 
She first attacked our commerce, then she impress- 
ed our seamen. In 1812, she had seven thousand 
of our gallant tars enrolled under her tlying Jack, 
and was still increasing in her arrogant pretensions. 
An Embargo was first recommended ; to this, Mr. 
Clay gave his cordial support. War was soon 
after declared. In his speech for arming for the 
v/ar, he says : — '• I do not stand on this floor as the 
advocate of standing armies in time of peace ; but 
when war becomes essential, I am the advocate of 
raising able and vigorous armies, to ensure its suc- 
cess. The danger of armies in peace arises from 
their idleness and dissipation ; their corrupted 
habits, which mould them to the will of ambitious 
chieftains. We have been the subject of abuse for 
years by tourists through this country, whether on 
horseback or on foot, in prose or in poetry ; but, 
although we may not have exhibited as many 
great instances of discoveries and improvements in 
science, as the long establishe<l nations of Europe, 
the mass of our people possess more general politi- 
cal information than any people on earth ; such in- 
formation is universally diffused among us. This 
circumstance is one security against the ambition 
of military leaders. Another barrier is derived 
from the extent of the country, and the millions of 
people spread over its face. Paris was taken, and 



all France consequently subjugated. London might 
be subdued, and England would fall before the 
conqueror. But the population and strength of this 
country are concentrated in no one place. Phila- 
delphia may be invaded; New York or Boston 
may fall ; every seaport may be taken ; but the 
country will remain free. The whole of our terri- 
tory on this side of the Allegany may be invaded, 
still liberty will not be subdued. — Can we let our 
brave countrymen, a Davies and his associates in 
arms, perish in manfully fighting our battles, while 
we meanly cling to our places. — But my ideas of 
duty are such, that when my rights are invaded, I 
must advance to their defence, let what may be the 
consequence ; even if death itself were to be my 
fate." 

In the concluding part of his speech in favor of 
the Navy Bill, in January, 1813, he says : — " And 
whilst I thus discharge what I conceive to be my 
duty, I derive great pleasure from the reflection, 
that I am supporting a measure calculated to im- 
part additional strength to our happy Union. Di- 
versified as are the interests of its various parts, 
how admirably do they harmonize and blend to- 
gether ! We have only to make a proper use of 
the bounties spread before us, to render us pros- 
perous and powerful. Such a Navy as I have con- 
tended for, will form a new bond of connexion be- 
tween the States, concentrating their hopes, their 
interests, and their affections." 

Thus stood this youthful statesman, in the midst 
of a talented and powerful opposition, battling with 
liis irresistible eloquence in the cause of justice 
and of his country : he was not alone in this crisis 
of American history, but he was the master-spirit. 
An additional force of twenty-five thousand troops 
was authorized, and the Navy bill also passed. 
The most vigorous measures were adopted. It is 
impossible to refuse the highest tribute of admira- 
tion to this intrepid and fearless man, for the deci- 
sion and resolution which he then evinced for his 
country — for liberty. What would avail the heroic 
achievements of the glorious and successful Revo- 
lution, if we had not then taken this stand ? We 
would again become a conquered and enslaved 
people. Nothing can be done to render Mr. Clay 
a sufficient compensation for this one act of his life. 
Were it not for the war of 1812, this country, in- 
stead of being tlie asylum of the oppressed of all 
nations, as it now is, would be the most cruelly 
oppressed of all the British colonies. Let us now 
lay aside ill-founded prejudice, and the spirit of 
party, and act for the interests of the Republic. 
A financial war is to be waged. A new order of 
things is to be established — and none will be found 
more adequate for the task than the able advocate 
of the war, the second apostle of American liberty, 
and the friend of universal freedom. 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



21 



XXIV. THE TREATY OF GHENT. 
What a joyful theme for congratulation to us, 
that amidst the general convulsion of empires, and 
shaking of thrones, our Republic alone was capa- 
ble of standing the shock, and, single-handed, 
achieve the most signal victories on record over a 
haughty and triumphant foe. What a moral is con- 
tained in the second American war, — an example 
for future generations. Defeat would then be 
ruinous, but the Gk)d of battles ordained youthful 
liberty a higher destiny. The patriots of this 
country were not the mercenary soldiery of tyrants, 
they were the voluntary agents of their own pa- 
triotism ; each soldier in himself stood forth a citi- 
zen king. Victory perched on their standards, and 
an honorable peace ensued. Congress, in token 
of their marked respect for Mr. Clay's signal ser- 
vices to his country, from the commencement to 
the end of the contest, appointed him one of the 
Commissioners to negotiate the Treaty of Peace. 
The duties devolving on the gentlemen appointed 
were highly responsible ; but they were equal to 
the undertaking. Unanimity prevailed throughout 
tlie whole proceedings, with but one exception, 
which was in relation to the navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi ; a majority of the Commissioners were in 
favor of exchanging the right of navigating the 
" father of waters," in lieu of the privilege of the 
fisheries on the coast of Labrador and Newfound- 
land. They thought the British were entitled to it, 
on the ground of its source being in their acknowl- 
edged territory. It cannot be asserted with truth 
however, that the majority of the Commissioners 
were actuated with unpatriotic motives. — No, all 
were equally interested in treating to the best ad- 
vantage for their common country. Mr. Clay 
peremptorily refused his assent to any Treaty 
which would surrender to the British any right to 
the free navigation of the Mississippi, under any 
pretext whatsoever. He succeeded, and the whole 
matter was satisfactorily arranged. On his return, 
he was greeted with the thanks of the Republic, — 
and found, on his arrival in Kentucky, that he was 
so signally honored, as to have been elected to 
Congress in his absence. However, he had to en- 
counter the animadversions of a few envious spirits, 
who charged the Commissioners with ratifying a 
Treaty, which left the matter in controversy, as to 
impressment, in statu quo, as it was before the war. 
They could not have acted otherwise, having been 
instructed " to omit any stipulations thereon," with 
the express understanding, " that the United States 
did not intend to admit the Bri'ish claim, or relin- 
quish theirs." The British answered the American 
interrogatories thus : — " With respect to the forcible 
seizure of mariners from on board merchant vessels 
on the high seas, and the right of the King of Great 
Britain to the allegiance of all his subjects, and with 
respect to the rights of the British empire, the un- 



dersigned conceive, that, after the pretensions as- 
serted by the government of the United States, a 
more satisfactory proof of the conciliatory spirit of 
His Majesty's government cannot be given, than 
not requiring any stipulation on those subjects, 
which, though most important in themselves, no 
longer, in consequence of the maritime pacification 
of Europe, produce the same practical results." 
The British had always previously not only claimed, 
but actually exercised this right. Since tiiat Treaty 
they have never attempted to exercise this preroga- 
tive. They went to war on account of it. They 
have virtually abandoned it, by ceasing to enforce 
it. Four years subsequently, the questions relating 
to the fisheries were satisfactorily settled. Those 
malignant spirits who are always lying in wait, 
watching an opportunity to elevate themselves at all 
hazards, occasionally show themselves, to the utter 
astonishment of the unsuspecting masses, arrayed in 
opposition to the wisest and best of the land. Such 
characters hold constant secret interviews, in de- 
liberating on the best means to destroy the rising 
greatness of their more fortunate, because more 
worthy fellow-citizens. Mr. Clay has been the 
victim of such designing demagogues. He has 
been accused of much, and found guilty of nothing. 
We are told that he has a leaning towards royalty, 
an attachment towards England. His whole life is 
a contradiction to these charges. Would to God, 
(and it would be well for the interests of this coun- 
try,) that those men, who originated these vile 
calumnies to poison the public mind, were weighed 
in the balance and found as little wanting. Every 
act of his life, every aspiration of his soul, and all 
the energies of his mind, have been diametrically 
opposed to every thing royal — every thing British ; 
yes, the history of his country will convince the 
world, that when he leaned towards England, it was 
by bringing Republican steel in contact with Eng- 
lish blood. There is a season for every thing under 
heaven — a season for the slanderers, and a season 
for the slandered ; they had theirs — Mr. Clay will 
soon have his! His democracy was so well known 
in England, that whilst in London, on his return 
home from Ghent, he was asked by Lord Liverpool, 
a few days after the battle of Waterloo, '• If Napo- 
leon — who, it was thought, might have fled to 
America — would not give his countrymen much 
trouble." " None, whatever," said Mr. Clay, 
" we shall be glad to receive him, and will soon 
make a good Democrat of him." 

XXV. THE INFAMOUS CHARGE OF COR- 
RUPTION, IN THE ELECTION OF 
ADAMS. 
When the chimeras of every enthusiast, the 
dreams of every visionary, seem equally deserving 
of attention with the sober conclusions of reason 
and observation ; when the minds of men are sha- 



oo 



FIFTY REASON'S AVHT 



ken, as by the yawning of the ground during the 
fury of an earthquake, and reason is for ever de- 
throned — when truth has taken its final flight from 
the earth and falsehood reigns supreme, then, and not 
till then, will this base calumny — this unpardona- 
ble fiction of human depravity, be believed. 1 beg 
leave to say, that this was the chief reason why Mr. 
Clay was odious to me. and I am confident, that 
this matter has, in a great measure, injured this 
aistinguished citizen. I have examined both sides 
of the question impartially, and the conclusion I 
came to was, that he was not only iimocent, but 
Ihat he was an injured, an abused, and a calumni- 
ated man. It is a well known, but lamentable 
fact, that many of the highest, as well as the lowest 
offices of this Republic, have been bought and sold 
by political demagogues — that they have had regu- 
lar offices where their private intrigues have been 
carried on — runners employed to report progress — 
hands hired to pull wires, and various other such 
systems of political legerdemain. The Presi- 
dential election took place in 1S25: General Jack- 
son received 99 votes, Mr. Adams 84, and Mr. 
Crawford 41. Neither having a majority of the 
whole votes, it was thrown into the House. Mr. 
Clay being then a member of the House, exercis- 
ed his undoubted right to vote for him whom he 
preferred. He accoidingly did so, and Mr. Adams 
was elected. A letter appeared soon after in a 
Pliiladelphia paper, purporting to be from a mem- 
ber of Congress, stating unqualifiedly, that Mr. 
Clay was offered the Secretarysiiip of State, if he 
would aid in electing Mr. Adams, which was in- 
stantly accepted. Mr. Clay instantly denied the 
charge, pronounced it false, in whole and in part. 
Mr. Kremek, a member of the House, from Penn- 
sylvania, avowed himself the author of the allega- 
tion, and said he stood ready to prove it. Mr. 
Clay then asked for a Committee of Inquiry — it 
was granted, and a day appointed. The accuser 
backed out. The accusation was not established ; 
and why ? because it could not be established. 
Their inglorious and scurrilous attacks upon Mr. 
Clay did not end there : Mr. Beverly wrote a 
letter, which was published, that overtures were 
made to General Jackson also, by the friends of 
Mr. Clay — otfering him their support, if he would 
give the Secretaryship to Mr. Clay, and not con- 
tinue Mr. Adams. It would seem that a deej) and 
premeditated plan had been contrived for Mr. 
Clay's ruin. To give additional weight to this 
libel, they prevailed on the General to confirm the 
accusation over his own name. He replied, with 
a direct charsje, that the alleged overtures were made 
bv a distinguished member of Congress to him. 
Mr. Clay immediately demanded the name of the 
member of Congress, through whom these over- 
tures had been made, and he received the name of 
Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania. This gentleman 



(and he certainly deserves the title,) flatly denied 
the statement, and said, that in the only conversa- 
tion he ever had with General Jackson about re- 
taining Mr. Adams as Secretary of Stale, "he had 
not the most distant idea that the General believed, 
or suspected, he came on behalf of Mr. Clay or 
his friends." To place this charge for ever in the 
shade, no further j)ioof is necessary than to read a 
letter, written by Mr. Beverly himself, in 1841, 
which says, that there was not the slightest Ibunda- 
tion for it, and that it was utterly i'alse. In the 
height of the excitement arising oat of these inge- 
nious fabrications. Mr. Clay visited Kentucky, in 
1827, whilst Secr-etary of State. He was invited 
to a public dinner, when the following toast was 
given : — '• Our distinguished guest, Henry Clay'- 
— The furnace of persecution may be heated seven 
times hotter, and seventy times more he will come 
out unscathed by the fire of malignity, brighter to 
all, and dearer to his friends ; while his enemies 
shall sink with the dross of their own vile mate- 
rials." Mr. Clay, in the concluding part of a 
most brilliant speech in reply to this, thus alludes 
to the vile charge of corruption : " Pronouncing 
the charges, as I again do, destitute of all founda- 
tion, and gross aspersions, whether clandestinely 
or openly issued from the Halls of the Capitol, the 
saloons of the Hermitage, or by press, by pen, or 
by tongue, and safely resting on my conscious in- 
tegrity, I demand the witness and await the event 
with fearless confidence." How can men who de- 
stroy the character of others expect mercy for their 
own, when the sanctuary of truth is violated, they 
ma}' themselves be sacrificed at the altar which 
they have erected, victims to their own villainy 
and crime. The fruits of injustice contain within 
them the seeds of their own destruction. The 
sword which has been taken from the scabbard, to 
murder the character of Mr. Clay', will yet rust in 
the gall of their bitterness. Thus, those who se- 
cretly hatched these slanders, had to sustain them 
in public, — the usual consequence of all crime is 
to compel men to plunge deeper into the stream of 
wickedness, and commit the greater crimes to save 
themselves from the odium of the lesser, which 
they have already perpetrated. 

XXYI. THE MISSOURI QUESTION. 

Whenever any great national calamity is about 
to happen, it is then that true patriotism is more 
particularly brought into action. In public men 
we alwa)'S expect not only good intentions, but 
prudent conduct. When great political changes 
arise, it is not only the immediate, but the most 
remote consequences, which ought to be taken into 
consideration. As society is constitutedj men will 
always be found, who, even in the greatest emer- 
gency of the State, are indifferent as to the conse- 
quences of their actions, having nothing them- 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



23 



selves to lose ; always ready to accommodate them- 
selves, having no settled principles, to the interests 
of those most likely to succeed. The ablest Gen- 
erals endeavour to promote dissentions in the 
armies of their enemies ; the wisest, in unitins: 
their own. The greatest benefactor is he who has 
done the most good, at the greatest sacrifice to 
himself. When questions arise in a government, 
having a tendency to excite intestine broils, and 
create sectional prejudices, the able statesman will 
throw himself into the breach, with the (lag of his 
country in his hand, beseecliing his countrymen to 
look at Scylla on the one side and Charybdis on the 
other ; keep a central course, he says, all hands 
aloft — pilots to the helm, &c. While the danger 
threatens, he is always ready, with the scales of 
conciliation to weigh the claims of the contending 
parties. There is no topic in tlie politics of this 
country which is fraught with such intense interest 
as the slave question. A bill was introduced into 
Congress in the sessions of 1818 and 1819, provid- 
ing for the admission of jVIissouri into the Union, 
on condition that all the children of Slaves, born 
after the passage of tlie act, should be free when 
twenty-five years, and slavery forever after pro- 
hibited. The bill passed the House, the Senate 
struck out the conditions ; the House adhered to 
them, and thus the bill was lost. The North and the 
South took issue on this question, an intense ex- 
citement pervaded all classes of citizens ; the pub- 
lic press teemed with violent and inflammatory ap- 
peals to sectional prejudices. The subject came 
up for discussion in the next Congress. Mr. Clay 
urged the admission in the manner which the Mis- 
sourians themselves desired it; at the same time 
declaring his detestation of the system, and had he 
been a citizen of the State of Missouri, it should 
never receive his sanction. Above all things he 
urged concession and forbearance to all. The 
safety of the Union was his grand object, and this 
was to him of the most incalculable importance. 
A compromise was effected through his exertions, 
and an act was passed, giving to Missouri the right 
of forming a Constitution and State Government, 
" not repugnant to the Constitution of the United 
States." The ])eople of the State in pursuance of 
this act, formed a constitution in whicli a section 
was inserted, provided for the "exclusion of free 
Negroes from the State." The former animosities 
were again enkindled, the controversy broke out 
anew, and with increased violence. When things 
were at the highest pitch of popular excitement, 
Mr. Clay again interposed by referring the whole 
subject to a select committee of thirteen. The 
Chairman soon after reported that Missouri be ad- 
mitted, provided she does not pass any laws pre- 
venting any description of persons, who ivere ciii- 
sens of any other State from coming into her terri- 
tory. This resolution left 'he power of determin- 



ing who were or who were not citizens to the pro- 
per tribunals. It was lost by a majority of three. 
The next day it was re-considered, and Mr. Clay 
sustained the report of the committee Vvfith the 
greatest zeal, most profound argument, and sublime 
eloquence, in order that the peace of the country 
might be preserved by the settlement of this vexed 
question ; the resolution was again lost. Upon the 
rejection of the bill the third time, the greatest 
aiixiet}- prevailed for the fate of the Union itself ; 
all were filled with apprehension and alarm. The 
minds of men were in violent commotion ; already 
many symptoms of dissolution became apparent. 
Congress now became really alarmed, and they 
looked to the great Pacificator for counsel. Mr. 
Cl,ay was at his post, he introduced a resolution 
instanter for the appointment of a joint committee 
to consult wilh alike committee from the Senate, as 
to admitting Missouri into the Union. This resolu- 
tion was adopted in both Houses; the joint committee 
met, and the next day Mr. Clay reported a reso- 
lution precisely like the one before rejected. It 
passed by a majority of six in the House, and the 
Senate concurred. Thus was settled the famous 
Missouri question, the most momentous which ever 
agitated this Republic. For this act, Mr. Clay is 
eminently entitled to the country's gratitude. And 
he ought, independently of any other cause what- 
ever, receive from her the highest meed of praise. 

XXVII. OUR MEXICAN RELATIONS. 

It would be useless and unprofitable to urge the 
necessity of a sound currency, or stability of 
domestic legislation, whilst we neglect the impartial 
administration of justice towards foreign nations, 
according to the well known and time sanctioned 
principles of international law. When our institu- 
tions are already noticed by European journalists 
and historians as a complete failure, — our glorious 
liberties as the/wmes of Democratic frenzy, we ought 
to learn to cultivate the friendliest relations with 
our sister institutions on this Continent. Never 
were a people so insulted,' or their hospitalities so 
grossly abused as we have lately been by those 
Trans-atlantic strolling scribblers. It is high time 
that these shameless intinerants were stopped in 
their unthankful course, by closing against them 
for ever the hospitalities of this Republic. They 
come here as vipers, they are honored as Gotls. 
None more despicable in this regard than the hired 
satellites which revolved around the throne of 
British despotism Every Republican has a deep 
interest in the progress of free institutions, he cares 
not beneath what clime liberty finds a refuge. 
The descendants of the besieged of Saragossa are as 
worthy and as capable of enjoying freedom as any 
people on the face of the earth. The Peninsular 
war is a conclusive evidence of the patriotism of 
the Spaniards. There is not on record, save the 



24 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



war of American Independence, a more heroic ex- 
ample of indefatigable patriotism — of determined 
hostility to foreijrn ursurpation, than that which 
Spain has exhibited. Oft defeated by superior 
numbers, the Spaniards were nevertheless uncon- 
quered; they became stronger by disaster and 
braver after defeat. The Cortes of Cadiz declared 
for a Republic, and they sowed the seed from which 
germinated tlie liberties of their colonies; had it 
not been for the interference of the allied sover- 
eigns, their declaration would have been consum- 
mated. The Mexicans have waded through seas 
of kindred blood, for the achievement of their in- 
dependence ; they love their altars and their homes. 
What monster is there whom the love of fatherland 
does not excite to deeds of daring and of fame. 
" Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." It is to 
many a subject of regret and serious alarm, that 
civil discord abounds to such an alarming extent, 
in our sister Republics. It is not within the scope 
of my knowledge to elucidate the causes which 
lead to this unhappy state of public feeling, or 
within the range of my subject to deal in matters 
which do not immediately interest ourselves; 
though I am free to admit that when I see the 
cause of freedom sinking in the scale of nations, 
RepubUcs becoming not only stationary, but retro- 
grade ; the energies of their citizens exhausted, 
their glowing ardor diminishing, and discord, de- 
generacy and decline rapidly advancing, I tremble 
for the effects of such an example, the influence of 
such a state of things on the destinies of mankind. 
Sliall time, which brought on this continent the 
most glorious changes on man's political condition, 
again witness the restoration of the ancient dynas- 
ties on any portion of this hemisphere ? Shall 
British gold and British diplomacy triumph over 
the liberties of an additional inch of American ter- 
ritor)' ? No, never ! As long as twenty-six States 
continue to form one united Confederacy, so long 
shall the operations of that wily power be kept 
within its prescribed limits. There are certain 
general principles contained in the infinite diver- 
sity of human affairs, which always operate alike, 
and are productive of similar consequences. It is 
certain, however, that without wisdom and general 
information no government can guarantee security to 
national or individual welfare. We are now surround- 
ed with a pressure of events, to rise superior to which 
requires the highest effort of philosophical power, 
and the most perfect knowledge of political science. 
Whilst we are discussing matters of finance, and 
questions of domestic policy without arriving at 
any definite conclusions, there may be seen in the 
distant, though not very remote back-ground, sub- 
jects which ere long will engross the attention of 
statesmen, and excite the passions of the people. 
The annexation of Texas to this Union is amongst 
them. The career of freedom on this continent is 



to be unstained with blood ; the fabric of American 
liberty is to be sustained by the intelligence, 
morality and religion of the people ; our forests, 
our lovely valleys shall not be crimsoned o'er with 
freemen's blood, each drop of which will tell in 
Europe the sad tale of tlie dying struggles of free- 
dom in her last, her only resting place. In rela- 
tion to this important topic, it behooves me to be 
silent ; every American understands well the object 
of this reason. It is the necessity of the country 
being prepared to act, and to have a man at the 
head of affairs who will understand how to con- 
ciliate and compromise with Republics — and resist 
unto death the farther encroachments of monarchy 
in our neighborhood. Henry Clay is that man. 
Every act of his life has been for America, for 
liberty. 

XXVIII. OUR CANADA RELATIONS. 

To every impartial observer of affairs, all inroads 
made on a free government by violence or innova- 
tion diminishes the efficacy of law and order, and 
increases anarchy and libertinism. When a govern- 
ment concedes to the demands of a revolutionary 
portion of its citizens, for an increase of political 
power, it almost invariably excites the insurgents 
to further encroachments ; this would be nothing 
less than the subversion of the government itself. 
Where every man has a right to the exercise of his 
free suffrage, it is his prerogative to redress his 
grievances in a peaceable and constitutional man- 
ner. In a counti-y of freedom, where the greatest 
possible liberty is enjoyed, there can never exist a 
reasonable ground for a revolution. The danger 
lies in extending our territory too far, in local or 
sectional jealousies, interfering with the rela- 
tions of others, &.c. The immortal Washington 
recommended to his countrymen strict neutrality 
on matters of foreign policy, where we were not 
directly or immediately interested. There is a 
limit to men's passions when they act from reason, 
resentment or interest ; but none when they are 
spurred an by imagination or ambition. For our 
domestic grievances we can demand those conces- 
sions and reforms which are best calculated to 
remove them ; with those of others we can sympa- 
thize, but we cannot remedy them. In our rela- 
tion with affiliated institutions, we evidently should 
be on more friendly terms, than willi those which 
are diametrically opposite to us. " Pares cum 
paribus simil congregantur," — birds of one feather 
flock together. An exauiple of this is now fresh 
in our memory, the late billing and cooing of 
Philip and Victoria, the rulers of two powers, the 
very antipodes of each other. The King of Prus- 
sia has honored Victoria also with his presence at 
the christening of the young prince. Negotiations 
are already on feoffor many pleasant interviews, to 
take place ere long between these confederated 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



25 



enemies of freedom, all of which no doubt are in- 
tended to stop the progress of free principles, and 
give additional security to their respective diadems. 
They are conscious that the dark infatuation which 
bound men to monarchy is gradually Jiminishin"- 
before the brilliant lustre of human freedom.— 
Awake, the earth !— To arms, the world ! ! Would 
to God, that these insignia of the degradation of 
our race were utterly annihilated— extirpated from 
the earth ! ! ! England yet retains a large portion of 
the American Continent in vassalage. The influ- 
ence and example of this Republic have operated 
favorably for many years on the people of Canada. 
Not long since they asserted their rights. As the 
stag eagerly longs for the cool shade or limpid 
brook, when exposed to the scorching sun— so the 
Canadians anxiously desired their liberty. They 
arose in an inauspicious moment, when their plans 
were not at maturity, — the result was disastrous. 
They had the sympathies of thousands in this coun 
try. Many actuated by the motives which led volun- 
teers to Texas, enrolled themselves under the flying 
pennant of freedom. Associations were formed, and 
the work had already gloriously commenced — yes, 
and would have more gloriously terminated, had it 
not been for Martin 1st, who issued his Proclama- 
tion, and caused the civil and military authorities to 
interfere. The frontier lines were filled with armed 
soldiery, the patriots on this free soil were denomi- 
nated brigands and bandit. The rising genius of 
Canada's liberty was crushed by that man, who sat 
silently in his chair, dealing out an occasional gentle 
rebuke towards those who had acted more numer- 
ously and more openly against Mexico, a sister Re- 
public. I lay this matter before the public, to prove 
that Mr. Van Buren is leaning towards monarchy ; 
or why did he not use his prerogative similarly to- 
wards the two governments ? Why, Mexico was a 
Republic and weak ; England a monarchy and pow- 
erful. If the gentleman could be blind towards his 
relations with Mexico, why so keen-sighted towards 
Canada ? He loves hereditary honors. Eight 
years of the history of this Republic will bear wit- 
ness to his desire of strengthening the Executive, 
and weakening the popular power. Not a daily 
mail arrives from beyond the St. Lawrence, that 
does not bring us an account of the hatred of the 
Canadian Tories towards us. Since the com- 
mencement of this Session of Congress, we are 
told by them, we dare not take any action upon the 
occupation of Oregon ; that the Hudson Bay Com- 
pany will be able to sustain their rights, and ivill 
sustain them — that the Indians laugh at our vain 
attempts in settling their country. They wind up 
as usual, with their Tory bombast, by saying, if 
the Hudson Bay Company and the Indians cannot 
prevent the d d Yankees, they will do it them- 
selves. Be aisy, Johnny, don't be quite so forget- 
ful of Lake Erie and Charaplain, Look at Mon- 



mouth, Saratoga, and Yorktown ! And I assure 
.you, that if Martin had not liked you so well, 
there were Hunters enough here to hunt Toryism 
and Monarchy out of Canada. They are yet alive, 
and only wait a favorable moment to give you a 
decent dressing. If Canada should rise to join the 
Hudson Bay Company, it would be dangerous to 
the liberties of this country, to have Mr. Van Bu- 
ren in the chair, if we are to judge from his past 
Administration. I have, in this Reason, endeavor- 
ed to show the inconsistency of the conduct of the 
party in power, on grave matters of State policy — 
lenient to MonaVchy, oppressive to Republicanism. 
Then, if they had erred in more weighty matters, 
they certainly must have erred in lesser. I have 
not that interest in the subject now discussed, that 
the principles involved would indicate, it is done 
for the sake of justice and truth ; and to bring the 
two gentlemen, Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Clay, 
to be estimated by the Adopted Citizens according 
to their relative merits — this is my object, and no 
other. 

XXIX. OUR SOUTH AMERICAN RELA. 
TIONS. 

The evils of despotism had been bitterly experi- 
enced by the South American Colonies. The 
United States had set them a glorious example; 
from this country the most important lessons were 
learned, not only by them, but by the whole civil- 
ized world. Mr. Clay, the ardent supporter of 
the unalienable rights of man, gave the infant Re- 
publics all the aid he possibly could. He had, at 
that time, as he always has, an eye to the interests 
of his own country, which was then disputing as to 
a portion of the Territory of Florida, with Spain. 
When a bill was introduced in Congress to " pre- 
vent our citizens from selling vessels of war to a 
foreign power," it was opposed by Mr. Clay, as 
it would be understood as having a direct reference 
to the preventing aid to the Southern patriots. He 
made the most elequent speech in the House that 
has ever been delivered on the South American 
Independence. He says, — "Wherever in Ameri- 
ca her sway extends, every thing seems to pine 
and wither beneath its baneful influence. The 
richest nations of the earth ; man, his happiness 
and his education, all tlie fine faculties of his soul, 
are regulated, and modified, and moulded to suit 
the execrable purposes of an inexorable despotism. 
But I take a broader and a bolder position. (^ 1 
maintain, th.\t an oppressed people are 
authorized, whenever they can, to rise 

AND BREAK THEIR FETTERS. .-^ This WaS the 

great principle of the English revolution. It was the 
great principle of our own. Vattel, if authority were 
wanting, expressly supports this right. We must 
pass sentence of condemnation on the founders of 
our liberty — say that they were rebels — traitors- 



26 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



and that we are at this moment legislating without 
competent powers, before we can condemn the 
cause of Spanish America. Our Revolution was 
mainly directed against the mere theory of tyranny. 
We had suffered comparatively but little ; we had, 
in some respects, been kindly treated ; but our in- 
trepid and intelligent fathers, saw in the usurpa- 
tion of the power to levy an inconsiderable tax, 
the long train of oppressive acts that were to fol- 
low. They rose — they breasted the storm — they 
achieved our freedom. Spanish America, for cen- 
turies has been doomed to the practical effects of 
an odious tyranny. If we were justified, she is 
more than justified. I am no propagandist, I would 
not seek to force upon other nations, our principles 
and our liberty, if they do not want them. I would 
not disturb the repose even of a detestable despot- 
ism. OCr" But, if an abused and oppressed people 
will their freedom ; if any seek to establish it ; if, 
in truth, they have established it, we have a right, 
as a sovereign power, to notice the fact, and to act 
as circumstances and our interests require. -^ I 
will say, in the la\iguage of the venerated Father of 
my country : — ' Born in a land of liberty, 

MY ANXIOUS recollections, MY SYMPATHETIC 
FEELINGS, AND MY BEST WISHES, ARE IRRE- 
SISTIBLY EXCITFD, WHENSOEVER, IN ANY COUN- 
TRY, I SEE AN OPPRESSED NATION UNFURL THE 

BANNERS OF FREEDOM.' Whenever I think of 
Spanish America, the image irresistibly forces it- i 
.self upon my mind, of an elder brother, whose edu- 
cation has been neglected, whose person has been 
abused and maltreated, and who has been disin- 
herited by the unkindness of an unnatural parent. 
And, when I contemplate the glorious struggle 
which that coimtry is now making, I think I be- 
hold that brother rising, by the power and ener- 
gy of his fine native genius, to the manly rank 
which nature, and nature's God, intended him. In 
the establishment of the Independence of Spanish 
America, the United States have the deepest inte- 
rest. I have no hesitation in asserting my firm be- 
lief, that there is no question in the foreign policy 
of this country, which has ever arisen, or which I 
can conceive as even occurring, in the decision of 
which we have had or can have so much at stake. 
This interest concerns our politics, our commerce, 
our navigation. There cannot be a doubt that 
Spanish America, once independent, whatever may 
be the form of the governments established in its 
several parts ; these governments will be animated 
by an American feeling, and guided by an Ameri- 
can policy. They will obey the laws of the sys- 
tem of the New World, of which they will 
compose a part, in contradistinction to that of 
Europe. — AVe are their great example. Of us 
they constantly speak as of brothers, having a 
similar origin. They adopt our piinciples, copy 
our institutions, and in many instances, employ 



the very language and sentiments of our Revolu 
tionary papers." 

This speech, from which the preceding extracts i 
have been talcen, was published in the Spani.sh Ian 
guage, and read by the generals and otlier officers to i 
the armies, and is still, with his many other eloquent t 
appeals in their behalf, preserved in all the sister • 
Republics. General Bolivar wrote Mr. Clay • 
letters, declaratory of the high esteem and regard I 
in which he was held by the freemen of the South, , 
at the same time returning him their sincere grati- ■ 
tude. I defy the world to produce a man, whose ' 
life has been more devoted to the extension of libe- 
ral principles, or one more capable of sustaining 
them b}'solid argument, or better calculated to throw 
around them that lustre which imparts to them an 
additional beauty. Were he President in days that 
are past, the whole American Continent would 
now be Jlincricanized — and not a vestige of royalty 
would disgrace its virgin soil. It would seem that 
Mr. Clay has always desired to have this hemis- 
phere be entirely separate and distinct in its politi- 
cal relations from the Old World. It has been a 
favorite object of his, whenever an opportunity of- 
fered to make it public. The speech on the Eman- 
cipation of South America needs no comment, to 
establish this fact. Hide your diminished heads, 
and secrete yourselves, ye Vulpine race of politi- 
cians. What a contrast — Martin on Canada, and 
Clay on South American Independence. 

XXX. THE FAVORABLE IMPRESSION 
MR. CLAY'S ELECTION WOULD MAKE 
ON SOUTH AMERICA. 
Never were objects of such magnitude offered to 
the enterprise of any people, as the Soutli Ameri- 
can States offer to those of this country. We are 
seventeen millions of fieemen, enjo}'^ing innumera- 
ble advantages from our commanding position, on 
the American Continent, destined undoubtedly to 
give a character, at no distant day, to the most re- 
mote regions, and liberty perhaps to the world. 
The closer the links which bind these Cis-Atlantic 
Republics together are drawn, the stronger will be 
the influence towards ameliorating the condition of 
the down-trodden and oppressed of other nations. 
The air of liberty is sweet, though beneath the 
lurid rays of the equinoctial skies. The various 
States of this Union form one grand integral, asso- 
ciated together by the closest ties of kindred — all 
speaking the same language — all free to worship 
the same God — ail not Anglo-Saxons, none the 
worse for that, but all I hope true Republicans. 
The people of the South American and Me.xican 
Republics, are all allied by kindred, by language, 
and by religion, in these respects, more so than we 
are. An insult offered to a portion of this great 
family, is indirectly received by all. A favor con- 
ferred, is in like manner reciprocated. A constant 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



27 



rivalry exists between the European powers in es- 
tablishing^ commercial relations, on the most advan- 
tageous terms possible, with our sister States. They 
have already contracted matrimonial alliances. Mo- 
narchical influence would seem to be gradually in- 
creasing; it is established in its worst ibrra in Bra- 
zil. Guiana is still divided into three dependen- 
cies — each one under the power of a foreign mon- 
arch. England has also, by its seductive policy, 
obtained the Balize, and has an eye upon more im- 
portant acquUitions. It is clear to every diplomat- 
ist, that these affiliated Republics have little re- 
spect for JVlr. Van BunEN, daring whose term of 
office, inroads were made vvilh impunity, upon a 
portion of the Mexican territory, by citizens of 
Texas, aided by the sanction of this government. 
I know not what course Mr. Clay would pursue 
towards Texas, neither can I determine ; suffice it 
to say, he has not been an auxiliary in bringing 
about the present juncture in which our affairs are. 
It is however, clear, that he would be the best cal- 
culated to restore good feelings all around. Mr. 
Clay always has been, and ever will be, on the 
side of his own country, and will say and do noth- 
ing which would, in the least, dishonor her tiag, 
or degrade her character. 

However, a difficulty now exists, and it has 
taken a deeper root in the Spanish American 
breast, than we have any idea of; yes, it has sunk 
deep into that race, from Monterey to Conception. 
If any American in our Republic can restore the 
most perfect unanimity, it is Mr. Clay. There is 
not a man in these States who does not idolize this 
.statesman, and who would not be willing to sacri- 
fice much at his request. His influence would be 
potent in the cultivation of our commercial rela- 
tions. The Colonies which enriched Spain, and 
now possess more of the precious metals than the 
world besides, have not been sufficiently well at- 
tended to, by our late Administrations. It is as- 
tonishing to behold what immense quantities of 
bullion are transported across the Atlantic annually, 
a great deal of which might have had a stopping 
place here, were the manufacturing interests in a 
more flourishing condition. It would appear, that a 
desire to conform to European customs and fashions 
is taking a foothold on American soil. The latest 
London and Paris fashions are eagerly sought for ; 
the fact of an article being European enhances its 
value, whereas the contrary should be the case. 
Our travellers, instead of visiting the palaces of the 
Incas, and the smiling valleys of the Amazon and 
Paraguay, prefer the tents of royally, and the luxu- 
riant fields of the Thames and Seine. If Wash- 
ington could but address his countrymen, from 
the tomb, he would tell them, to keep more on 
their own Continent, and visit Europe less. Mr. 
Clay, in this particular, is a Republican ; he de- 
sires the citizens to use their own manufactures, 



and cultivate friendship on their own Continent ; 
he knows that tyrants pamper themselves on the 
ruins of freedom. 

XXXI. MR. CLAY IS NOT AN ALIEN 
AND SEDITION LAW MAN. 
The famous Alien and Sedition Law was passed 
in the Session of 179S, under the Administration 
of the elder Adams. The Mien law gave to the 
President power, whenever he should deem it 
necessary to the safety of the Republic, to order 
from her territory any Alien, whose presence he 
might judge hostile to the public peace. The 
Sedition law subjected to an action at law, such 
persons as should '• indite, or publish any writ- 
ings, with intent to defame the Government of 
the United States, the President, or either House 
of Congress, to bring them into disrepute, or to 
excite the hatred of the people against them :" 
upon conviction before a United States' Court, 
such persons were to pay a fine of not more than 
two thousand dollars, and to suffer imprisonment 
for not more than two years : upon trial the accus- 
ed had the right to give in evidence, in their de- 
fence, the truth of the matter charged as libellous, 
and the jury were to determine both the law and 
the fact. There can be no doubt, but the Ameri- 
cans had just grounds for entertaining strong sus- 
picions against many foreigners as well as natives 
in that day. French emissaries were sent from 
Paris to a'most every part of the world, to enlist 
the people in behalf of their Revolution ; in order 
to effect this, it was necessary that they should 
establish clubs, through which they might the more 
successfully operate. The public press went so 
far as to denounce the immortal Washington, 
then on the verge of the grave, and ripening fast 
for a glorious immortality ; they accused him of 
acts, which, if proved, would have consigned him 
to the penitentiary or the scaffold, and even pro- 
claimed of President Adams, that "• the hoary trai- 
tor had only completed the scene of ignominy 
which Mr. Washington had begun." Such pro- 
ceediu'TS as these on the part of the Jacobin inter- 
ests in this youthful Republic, were certainly high- 
ly indecorous and insulting. This coercion, how- 
ever, on the part of the Administration, was not 
effected without exciting the most violent local 
discontents. The manner in which they were 
viewed by the great body of the people, may be 
judged from what Mr. Jefferson said of them, at 
their passage. " For my own part," said he, " I 
consider these laws as merely an experiment on 
the American mind, to see how far it will bear an 
avowed violation of the Constitution. If this goes 
down, Vi'e shall immediately see attempted another 
Act of Congress, dfclaring the President shall con- 
tinue in otiice during life, reserving to anofhcr oc- 
casion the transfer of the svrccession to his heirs. 



28 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



and the establishment of the Senate for life. That 
these things are in contemplation, I have no doubt, 
nor can I be confident of their failure, after the 
dupery of which our counirj'men have shown them- 
selves susceptible." It certainly appears from the 
langua£;e of this great apostle of Democracy, that 
these acts were direct inroads on the Constitution, 
and would eventually lead to results any thing but 
favorable to Democracy : yea, were even the pre- 
cursor to Monarchy. When the news of the pas- 
sage of this abominable measure had reached Ken- 
tucky, public meetings were called all over the 
commonwealth ; the laws were denounced in angry 
and decided terms. The Legislature also passed a 
Resolution unqualifiedly condemning them, and de- 
manding their immediate repeal. None amongst 
these gallant Republicans acted a more conspicu- 
ous part, than Mr. Clay, in opposing them ; he 
pronounced them unjust, tyrannical, inexpedient, 
and unconstitutional. His opposition was so man- 
ifest, that he received the title of the "Great 
Commoner." by which name he is still known in 
his adopted State ; from this circumstance ne also 
became the leader of the Democratic party in the 
State. In the election of 1800, between the elder 
Adams and Thomas Jefferson, the canvass 
in Kentucky was exceedingly animated. The 
" Great Commoner," as tisual, was on the side 
of the people, and took a bold and effective part in 
the struggle ; it is admitted by all, that Mr. Jef- 
ferson was deeply indebted to him for his elec- 
tion, yes, believe it, it is true, he voted for Jef- 
ferson twice, and spoke for him on almost every 
stump in Kentucky. 

XXXII. MR. CLAY IS A PRACTICAL 
FARMER. 
In all countries the ardent will follow objects not 
the most reasonable, but the most captivating ; the 
selfish or indifferent, the most accommodating; and 
the wise and the good, the most practically useful. 
Individuals who are about to build will select the 
best architects — farmers who require stewards, will 
inquire after good agriculturalists. Every man 
wishes to be suited in his several relations of life. 
Those who live by the support of the public, will 
generally know how to conform to their inclina- 
tions ; it might be rightly said, on all occasions, 
that the most "proper study of mankind is man." 
Political wisdom is a science which, in the posses- 
sor, is scarcely known but by very few,— its salu- 
tary effects are not experienced until after the lapse 
of time. When a man shines as an orator, he 
creates a temporary effulgence — as a lawyer, a tran- 
sient celebrity — as a statesman, he is a public ben- 
efactor — but as a farmer, the noblest work of God. 
How is it then, when all these qualities are blended 
in one individual, and that too in an eminent 
degree ? Mr. Clay possesses them all. No man 



has contributed more towards bringing the agricul- 
tural interests of his State, and of the Union, to 
perfection. His farm is the index of his mind. 
His stock is unsurpassed for beauty and utility. 
His orchards abound with every variety of the 
most exquisite fruit, — in a word, notliing can beat 
his farm for beauty and taste, and I should like to 
find a match for the farmer himself. It was to en- 
courage the farming interests that he first launched 
his almost solitary bark on the ocean of the Protec- 
tive Policy. His great love for England, which 
his opponents say he possesses, may be found in 
the following language, used by him in 1810, in 
Congress. " For many years after the war," said 
he, " such was the partiality for her productions, 
in this country, that a gentleman's head could not 
withstand the influence of the solar heat, unless 
covered with a London hat ; his feet could not bear 
the pebbles or the frost, unless protected by Lon- 
don shoes ; and the comfort or ornament of his per- 
son was consulted only, when his coat was cut out 
by the shears of a tailor, just from London. At 
length, however, the wonderful discovery has been 
made, that it is not absolutely beyond the reach of 
American skill and ingenuity, to provide these ar- 
ticles, combining with equal elegance, greater du- 
rability. And I entertain no doubt, that in a short 
time, the no less important fact will be developed, 
that the domestic manufactures of the United 
States, fostered by government, and aided by house- 
hold exertions, are fully competent to supply us with 
at least every necessary article of clothing. I there- 
fore, /or one, {io use the fashionable cant of the da}^) 
am in favor of encouraging them ; not to the extent 
to which they are carried in England, but to such 
an extent as will redeem us entirely from all de- 
pendence on tbreign countries." Mr. Clay was 
opposed in his arguments, by many distinguished 
statesmen, who asserted that the encouragement of 
domestic manufactures would reduce those who 
engaged in them, in the capacity of operatives, to 
the wretchedness and degradation of the poor in 
the manufacturing towns and districts in Great 
Britain. Mr. Clay very justly maintained the 
doctrine of producing for ourselves, all those arti- 
cles necessary for home consumption, and thereby 
render ourselves, in case of a war, or any other 
eme gency, able to close our ports against their 
trade, and depend altogether on our resources. 
" A judicious American farmer," said he, " in the 
household way, manufactures whatever is requisite 
in his family. He squanders but little in the gew- 
gaws of Europe. He presents in epilome, what 
the nation ought to be in extenso. Their manufac- 
tures ought to be in the same proportion, and 
effect the same object in relation to the whole 
community, which the part of his household em- 
ployed in domestic manufacturing, bears to the 
whole family." It is the part of a wise legislator 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT 



29 



to attend to the wants of his own people, and en- 
\ courage nationality at every risk. Irishmen have 
i reason to admire Mr. Clay in this particular, as 
I Mr. O'CoNNELL is adopting at this moment a 
similar course in Ireland — that illustrious states- 
man is doing for his native land, in encouraging 
the native agriculturalists and artizans, exactly 
what Mr. Clay has done and will do for his coun- 
try. To encourage the arts and sciences in Ireland, 
has now become a shie qua non, to attain political 
distinction. Have Americans any national pride ? 
I reckon they have. Why do they not use national 
pen-knives in their legislative halls, or national 
carpets on the floor of their Capitol. Look to this, 
farmers. Remember the Farmer of Ashland, who 
is emphatically the true American and the devoted 
Republican. 

XXXIII. MR. CLAY IS OPPOSED TO DI- 
RECT TAXATION. 

The State is not the proprietor of private pro- 
perty either for use or dominion, but only the 
guardian and regulator. This doctrine should be 
as stable as the earth on which it stands, and never 
capable of fluctuation. Every encroachment made 
on the fruits of honest industry, constitutes a 
species of spoliation, far worse than private pillage, 
especially inasmuch as the spoliator is beyond the 
reach of accountability. Mr. Clay's opposition 
to a direct tax was manifestly declared by him, 
subsequently to the negotiations of the treaty of 
Ghent It was proposed in Congress that this direct 
tax upon the United States should be reduced. 
Mr. Clay supported the bill, and at the same time 
remarked that the land tax, even then, was too 
hWh for the ordinary season of peace. He laid 
down this important general principle, that in time 
of peace we should look to foreign importations as 
the chief source of revenue ; and in war, when they 
are cut off, " that it was time enough to draw deep- 
ly on our internal resources. His plan was to make 
up for a still farther decrease of the land tax by an 
increase of the duties on import." In the foregoing 
paragraph there is much useful information, and 
unanswerable political truths : the principles in- 
volved therein will, if carried out to their full ex- 
tent, give a degree of durability to our institutions 
unknown to any other country on the globe. What- 
ever might be said in opposition to the salutary- 
maxims contained in that system of political ethics 
which sustains itself by a protective policy, it can- 
not have the least influence in forming the opinions 
of an intelligent people. They look abroad, and 
they behold every nation on earth, not only pro- 
tecting their own interests by their several Tariffs, 
but actually creating a fund for contingencies, out 
of the balance of trade in their favor : and even pay- 



ing off their debts with the advantages of their 
diplomatic financieiing. It would be good policy 
in this Government, to have a contingent fund 
always on hand to enable it to uphold the fabric of 
society, through every change which it may be 
destined to undergo, as well as resist the progress 
of despotic rule. Public policy would dictate the 
propriety of strengthening our weak points, and add- 
ing to our national arm of defence, when no other 
matters of a more pressing nature engross our at- 
tention. " In peace prepare for war," '•' in life 
prepare for death," '• in health prepare for sick- 
ness." These things should be well digested. 
Peace ha* crowned our shores with its benign in- 
fluence for the last twenty-six years, and we have 
made but little preparation for war ; it is true the 
former years of this number witnessed the payment 
of a heavy national debt, which had been contracted 
in the last American war. We have been exceed- 
ingly healthy, yel there seems to be disease in the 
body politic — instead of having treasures hoarded 
up, we are reduced to borrowing and penury. 
There is something rotten in Denmark, or else 
why a national debt of some seventeen millions, 
and State debts to the amount of several hundred 
millions — and this too, in time of life, health and 
peace. It has been done. Americans ask — im- 
peratively demand the names of the authors, the 
cognomen of the party which have inflicted your 
lovely land with such dreadful calamities ; have 
they shown themselves to be the guardians, the 
regulators of your estates — of your liberties ? You 
require a change of policy, an entire subversion of 
those dangerous experiments which have reduced 
you to the odious, the execrable system of direct 
taxation. Who ought to have your confidence 
now ? those who created these disasters or those 
who manfully opposed them through every stage 
of their destructive progress? During the last 
fourteen years, all these grievances under which 
you now labor have been introduced. And by 
whom ; By the party in power, most unquestionably. 
Who resisted these innovations — these political 
paradoxes ? Mr. Clay ! ! When they were labor- 
ing OH the public rostrum to infuse their poison into 
the minds ofthe innocent and unwary, on questions 
of no reference to the public good, they then said that 
the men we are contending against, are the black 
cockade Federalists and the Tories of England ; at 
the same time they were holding caucusses, wherein 
your rights and privileges were ieo])ardized. Yes. 
direct taxation — it would not have been known to 
this country, where the people enjoy more privi- 
leges than in any other countiy on the globe, had it 
not been for the mad innovation of political dema- 
gogues. No man ever opposed it more, or offered 
sounder principles for its prevention than Mr. 
Clay. Citizens, remember this — it is true. 



30 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



XXXIV. MR. CLAY'S POLICY HAS 
BEEN AND WILL BE PROFITABLE 
TO ADOPTED CITIZENS AND FOR- 
EIGNERS. 

We are constrained to estimate the merits of 
political parties in proportion to the amount of good 
conferred on their country whilst in power. Dur- 
ing President Jackson's administration (however 
much we may admire the man) we in vain look for 
any permanent utility or even immediate benefit 
conferred on any, unless the leaders and partizans 
of his political party. This gallant military Hero 
received the almost unanimous vote of the adopted 
citizens, particulaily the Irish and Germans. The 
friends of freedom every where were rejoiced at 
the blow which tliis martial veteran gave to the 
inveterate foe of human liberty. It was useless to 
stem the current of public opinion. All matters 
of State policy were merged in the grateful recol- 
lection of New Orleans. For his gallant defence 
of that city, as well as all his military exploits, the 
Republic owed him a debt of gratitude, which she 
has nobly paid. However valiant were his acts 
or heroic his achievements, a majority of his own 
countrymen were notwithstanding arrayed against 
him, on the ground of the general incapacity of 
military men to preside over the destinies or guide 
the reins of a Republican government. In the 
election of General Jackson, the adopted citizens 
showed their regard for the conqueror of Packen- 
ham, and their enmity to England. The Internal 
Improvement system of which Mr. Clay is the 
acknowledged author, has given to the emigrants 
constant employment; in 1824 this system was in 
successful operation ; and by means of the wages 
received on the numerous Rail Roads and Canals 
from that year to the year 1836, thousands have 
been enabled to purchase large tracts of land and 
build themselves houses ; they also remitted large 
sums of money to their friends in Eiirope. When 
the currency was good and wages high, Europeans 
had some inducements to leave the homes of 
their iathers, to better their condition. In late 
days, how has it been ? Why thousands have re- 
ceived in the Western States Canal scrip, instead 
of good National Bank notes, and instead of the 
gold and silver promised them, provided they helped 
to kill the Monster ; they received fictitious notes 
on broken Banks. Tens of thousands of honest 
laborers were ruined by fraudulent contractors and 
odious shin-plasters. I ask the laboring class of 
men who worked on the Illinois and Michigan Ca- 
nal, how they have been treated — the same of those 
of Michigan, Indiana and Ohio? You have been 
shamefully treated, you have received money on 
the newly improved patent Banks, not worth a 
cent on tlie dollar in many instances. You have not 
been able to pay for your supper and lodgings, 
though you have had hundreds of their spurious 



notes in your pocket. Every mail which arrived 
in Chicago in 18.38, brought ruin and bankruptcy, 
as the harbinger of every successive Democratic 
triumph. Well might you now say, by your fruits 
ye shall know them. Let us lay money matters 
aside, and look at another question of greater im- 
portance. The adopted citizens, for the most part, 
desired a change in the School law of the State of 
New York, in order that certain charitable institu- 
tions, and other schools for public instruction might 
receive a portion of the public fund towards enabling 
them to have their children instructed without being 
iniluenced by Sectarian prejudices. They asked 
only an equivalent for what they paid into the pub- 
lic treasuiy for educational purposes. To this they 
thought there could be no just or reasonable objec- 
tion, particularly as their good old Democratic 
friends were in power, and they had always assisted 
them towards getting there. But mark well, they 
were refused. A change took place ; the Whigs 
came into power — and tlie generous and high- 
minded Seward, the Whig Governor, not only re- 
commended in his message the passage of a law, 
in unison with the feelings of the Old Countrymen, 
but actually discussed it at length, and threw addi- 
tional light on the whole subject. After much op- 
position, it was finally passed, and became a law. 
In the city of New York, the Democracy were in 
power, and the Board of Education, though Demo- 
cratic, still refused to give the relief proposed to 
the petitioners. After several months, trifling con- 
cessions were made. In view of this and other 
things, the Loco Foco party have not the interests 
of tbreigners either naturalized or otherwise at 
heart. All their professions are hollow and insin- 
cere ; in a word they are '• all talk and no cider." 
In the State of New Hampshire, A CATHOLIC 
CANNOT HOLD AN OFFICE UNTIL THIS 
DAY, atid it is necessary for all to be freeholders. 
Yes, the good old Democratic New Hampshire, 
which they say is as true to principle as their ever- 
lasting granite hills, which was never contaminated 
by black cockade Federalism. I should be pleased 
to know what species of Federalism was ever so 
black as that which proscribes the conscience. 
Contrast this with North Carolina ; a similar re- 
striction was supposed to exist in that State, until 
the good and patriotic Gasto.v effected its repeal. 
Peace to his ashes. Oh ! is it possible, Judge Gas- 
To.v was a Whig ; it is really astonishing ; how will 
this comport with their account of the Whigs. 

XXXV. MR. CLAY'S ELECTION WILL 
BENEFIT IRISHMEN. 
It is well understood that the founders of liberty 
should be the last to invade the rights of others ; 
he who has always supported national glory and 
public prosperity, will be desirous to extend their 
influence to all. In all nations the early promoters 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT, 



31 



of liberty are uniformly neglected, and more auda- 
cious deraagoguea have succeeded. The highly 
gifted statesman invariably excites jealousy in the 
breasts of the envious, who well know that as long 
as he remains at the head of affairs, it checks the 
elevation of inferior ambition, and promotes none to 
eminence who are not well deserving. The Euro- 
pean emigrants (with few dishonorable exceptions) 
have always proved their attachment to " the land 
of the free and the home of the brave." However, 
none have contributed more than Irishmen to 
achieve American Independence ; none have been 
treated worse. The Poles received under a solemn 
act of Government several townships of land, as a 
token of American respect and regard, though not 
one ounce of Polish blood was spilt in the Revolu- 
tion for every ton of Irish. I am not opposed to 
this act of a Democratic Congress and President, 
only inasmuch as it forms a system of exclusive 
legislation, which is always a dangerous precedent. 
It must be universally admitted, tlsat no native or 
adopted citizens have contributed more to the ad- 
vancement of the internal prosperity of the Repub- 
lic and none more ready to defend it than the Irish. 
The course of political demagogues towards my 
countrymen has been highly exceptionable : in 
public meetings and great gatherings they repre- 
sent themselves as their best friends and the Whigs 
as their worst enemies. By this means they have 
succeeded in estranging the affections of the Irish 
citizens politically, and in many instances socially, 
from the larger half of the Americans. This has 
of consequence drawn forth an occasional bitter in- 
vective from a portion of the Whig press against 
them. I could never read the least indecorous at- 
tack on my countrymen, let it come from what 
source it may, without feelings of resentment. I 
am however, constrained to say that the Whigs do 
not abuse the Irish half as much as the Irish would 
abuse them, were they to emigrate to Ireland and 
associate themselves politically with one portion 
of the Irish citizens to annoy another portion. 
Might it not be said with truth that it is the undue 
influence which demagogues exercise over us in 
the large cities, which first led to the formation of 
Native Jssocialions. I am bold to say it was, and 
I will further say, that if it were not for the effect 
which these things have produced on the American 
mirid, no class of citizens would be more respected 
than we. 

Taking every thing into consideration, we can- 
not but admire the forbearance whicli the Whigs 
have shown ; it is conclusive evidence of their 
high Republican feelings, and their regard for the 
principles of true liberty. Let us again imagine 
ourselves in Ireland, and two men are up for mem- 
bers of Parliament, who ai-e nearly equal in ability 
— party feelings run high. An hour before the 
polls are closed, the friends of one of the candidates 



pronounce him elected; however, a few minutes 
before the time elapses, twenty or thirty English- 
men step up and change the aspect of the matter. 
What do you think must have been the disappoint- 
ment of those who just now were elated v/ith suc- 
cess, to have their rival candidate elected by a 
majority of one or two votes ? You may judge the 
rest yourselves. The case is somewha; analogous. 
The right in adopted citizens is unquestionable, 
but this right should be cautiously exercised, not 
only by us, but by all other citizens. Gen. V/ash- 
r.VGTON is dead ; Jeffersox is no more. Madi- 
son, Monroe, Adams and Harrison, also sleep 
in honored graves, mingling their ashes with their 
kindred and illustrious dead. Jackson yet lives, 
and will ere long be also gathered to his fathers. 
The (lag of freedom yet waves over this happ^' 
land, and the man who would not desire to see it 
wave every where, has no claim on freemen's suf- 
frages. We desire to see the Harp and Eagle join- 
ed together. Ireland, unhappy land, may my eyes 
never become dim in death, or my body slumber in 
the silent tomb, until I see thee free and untram- 
melled. Canada is not to be attacked if Martin is 
on the throne; that selfish non-committal letter which 
he sent to the Repeal Association, is not half the 
index of his mind ; he possesses not that generous 
impulse which urges patriots on to freedom. He 
is cold and indifferent to every thing, save that 
which will promote his own interests. Let Mr. 
Clay's conduct be contrasted witli his. The gen- 
erous, noble, ardent, patriotic Mill-Boy has always 
sustained the rising freedom of every country, and 
will never call men, devoted to liberty, " Brigands." 

XXXYI. THE CAUSE OF IRISH LIBERTY 
WILL BE PROMOTED. 
One false step in the progressive state of a nation 
towards freedom is frequently ruinous. A victory 
is sometimes followed by more disastrous conse- 
quences than a defttat. The victory on the field 
of Borodino, was followed by the capture of Mos- 
cow; this triumph was the cause of Napoienn's 
fall. Circumstances occasionally occur, whicii if 
properly managed in the hands of able men, would 
lead to the most important results. We have late- 
ly witnessed events of sufficient moment, which, 
if properly directed, might have resulte<l favorably 
to liberty in Canada, in Ireland, and perhaps 
throut^hout the world. As large rivers diminish in 
proportion as theii- streams cease to discharge their 
waters into them, so the strength of an enemy is 
weakened by cutting off his resources. Menacing 
and inflammatory speeches unsupported by power, 
serve to strengthen those ajainst whom they are 
directed. In proportion to the threats, the enemy 
considers the danger, and makes corresponding 
preparations. Bonaparte's unusual and imprece- 
dented success was in a measure owing to short 



32 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



speeches, brief diplomatic correspondences — but 
quick and decisive action. The best principles in 
impotent hands, are utterly ineffectual to the at- 
tainment of any great national measure. It is a 
losing game to preach too much and fast too long. 
Political aspirants and orators should consider well 
their words, on questions of such vital importance 
as those upon which the lives and liberties of mil- 
lions are suspended. Our action here influences 
the two parties in Ireland— the one to prepare, the 
other to strike. Unhappy Ireland ! my lovely, 
native land, I fear you will ere long need more than 
classic speeches or distant sympathy. I admire 
the oratory which whets the sword, and I would 
still more admire to see the swords to whet. One 
tangible proposition brought before the public rela- 
tive to the liberties of Ireland, would be preferable 
to one thousand eulogies on her daughters, or 
bushels of crocodile tears over her wrongs. The 
cause of liberty is worth a struggle, and to have it 
successful, calm deliberation, and then determined 
action, is necessary. The whole energies should 
be directed upon certain data, which would have a 
given object in view. We have talked loud and 
long in this country on the subject of Repeal, and 
what has been effected ? It has caused England to 
prepare ; her garrisons are now manned and forti- 
fied, 8cc. The blow, to weaken the enemy of our 
father-land, must be given here. Every matter in 
controversy between this country and England, 
should be watched with an anxious eye. Canada 
is on the eve of anotlier revolution, and if we should 
in the most remote degree contribute towards elect- 
ing Martin Van Bure.v, we commit an act 
with our eyes open, which will in that event prove 
suicidal. It is not forgotten, by the lovers of uni- 
versal liberty, that he, when seated in authority, 
aided Great Britain indirectly in the last struggle. 
It would be in vain for patriotic citizens to pour 
out their private wealth towards crushing ty- 
ranny, if the Man of Kinderhook should be elect- 
ed. An army would be stationed on the St. Law- 
rence, and the whole line, to prevent any assistance 
that might be rendered. On the other hand, when 
has freedom beckoned, and Mr. Clay refused to 
follow ? Never ! Always firm, intrepid and saga- 
cious, he stood on the side of sutiering humanity 
and popular rights. By the natural ascendant of 
an irresistible passion for liberty, he is allied to the 
masses. Endowed with splendid talents — gifted 
with a clear intellect — sagacious in the perception 
of truth, and with great information, derived from 
study and experience, he cannot be otherwise than 
an ardent devotee to the rights of man. His great- 
est talent consists in a strong and ardent imagina- 
tion, a powerful elocution, and an incomparable 
power of seizing at once, the spirit of the assembly 
which he addresses, and applying the whole force 
of his mind to the object under immediate consid- 



eration. Honor blushes for those who forget their 
reverence for a patriot, whose whole life has been 
devoted to the cause of human emancipation. His- 
tory does not furnish a more striking example of 
self-denial on the altar of universal liberty. Ask 
Poland, Greece, Mexico, and all the South Ameri- 
can Republics, whom of all others they most ad- 
mire ? — They will answer, CLAif ! ! The warm- 
est friend of freedom, if he has a spark of humanity 
in his bosom ; the most ardent Republican, if not 
steeled against every sentiment of honor, must ac- 
knowledge this statesman to be the ablest advocate 
and firmest supporter of her institutions, now liv- 
ing. A word from him would be important on the 
fate of Ireland — his past history will show what 
that word would be. 

XXXVII. THE UNPRECEDENTED STATE 
or AFFAIRS. 
From the origin of the Republic until now, there 
never were so many intricate problems for political 
solution. The Constitution, the most perfect Bill 
of Rights that ever adorned any nation of ancient 
or modern times, (it could not be otherwise, ema- 
nating as it did, from the wisest heads and purest 
hearts of the country,) has been, for the first time, 
tested. This glorious instrument contains a provi- 
sion, authorizing and empowering the Vice Presi- 
dent, in case of the demise, &c. of the President, 
to act in his capacity. Mr. Tyler, upon the 
death of the lamented Harrison, was called to his 
present high destiny, and entrusted with the most 
responsible, as well as the highest duties which 
can be bestowed upon man. How he has accom- 
plished the task, is now ascertained bj^ experience. 
Time, the great vindicator of truth, will unfold his 
errors and illustrate his virtues. It is a matter of 
great and inexpressible delight to every true pa- 
triot, that though the triumphant party have been 
refused the sanction of the President, to their lead- 
ing and cardinal measures, yet the great machinery 
of the Confederacy has not the less ceased to ope- 
rate harmoniously, in all its wide-spread and vari- 
ous ramifications, and answer all the ends which 
the immortal Jefferson and his associates had so 
wisely contemplated. It cannot be denied, that 
though dissatisfaction pervades the public mind as 
to the course which the Executive has pursued, in 
reference to his administrative policy, that yet, he 
has always expressed an anxious desire to adminis- 
ter the affairs of State, with as much impartiality 
as the exigencies of the case demanded, or his 
critical position warranted him. It would be high- 
ly censorious in the writer, to attribute the course 
which his Excellency has pursued towards the 
great Whi^ party, to any sinister motives. It is 
certainly clear, that sound judgment, as well as 
gratitude should dictate to the President a dilierent 
mode of proceeding towards those who elevated 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



33 



him to his exalted dig^nity — an honor, per se, which 
will add a lustre to his posterity unto the most re- 
mote generations. Nothing would be a greater 
source of pleasure to all men, and satisfaction to 
the country likewise, than to have the will of the 
people gratified by the constitutional Chief Magis- 
ti-ate. Had he not listened to the seductive songs 
of the Van Buren party, it would be well for him! 
Did he but possess the firmness and consistency of 
Talmadge and Rives, when they were at swords' 
points with the confederated pmices of Loco Foco- 
ism, he would stand high to-day ! It is well 
known to the country, and this impression will be 
everlasting, that Mr. Tyler is the victim of Loco 
Foco intolerance. When they succeeded in gain- 
ing him over, step by step, from his friendly rela- 
tions with his cabinet and his party, and had irre- 
coverably entangled him in their treacherous 
snares, they then opened their batteries upon their 
unsuspecting victim. He is now denied the right 
of a private citizen; that proscriptive cry, which 
has chased away many bright stars from the politi- 
cal horizon of America, for their non-conformitij to 
established usos:es, has been raised against him — he 
is denied admission into their Convention — his 
claims are refused to be canvassed. This is all 
done towards the Chief Magistrate of our common 
country, in defiance of every rule of propriety. It 
does not add much to the dignity of that portion of 
the American press, called Democratic, to treat Mr. 
Tyler in so shameful a manner, This treachery 
towards a man, who vetoed the Bank Bill, amidst 
their most unbounded applause — who threw him- 
self entirely, and without reason, into their ranks, 
will be properly appreciated by an intelligent peo- 
ple, and will aid effectually in establishing a fact 
of the greatest importance to the American com- 
munity, viz. that there exists in this Government 
a faction, so well organized, as to be united on all 
questions relating to national policj'' — that the 
Government is virtually in their hands for future 
years — that they know who will be President and 
Cabinet officers, a fourth of a century ahead — and 
tins organization is more powerful than our Consti- 
tution. No politician can but observe, that Mr. 
Van Buren was nominated by a caucus of this 
organization, before General Harrison was inau- 
gurated — the people of these United States to the 
contrary notwithstanding. It is time that freemen 
should put down this influence, behind the throne, 
which is greater than the throne itself. Up — to 
the contest — the time is now at hand. Such an 
organization is dangerous to our liberties. I care 
not what you call it — Democratic, Demagogueic, 
Wliig, or Tory. Establish your sovereignty. — 
Down with dictation. I feel for Mr. Tyler, 
though I cannot sustain him. A difference has 
lately arisen between Mr. Clay and him. Every 
thinking man knows which has the greatest cause 



of being offended. Mr. Tyler regretted to tears, 
that Mr. Clay did not receive the nomination at 
Harrisburg. He well knew his views at that time. 
Since his elevation to the Presidency, he has look- 
ed on Mr. Clay with a cool indirf'erence. — Ah ! 
there must have been a motive in this change of 
sentiment. — Mr. Clay has not changed — he is the 
same now that he was before that Convention. But 
look at the course of Mr. Clay. — He says, on his 
return to Kentucky: "I hope they (the Whigs) 
will do their duty towards the country, and render 
all good and proper support to Government ; but 
they ought not to be held accountable for his 
conduct." Contrast this with the Globe articles 
on Henshaw, Porter, &.c. Comment is unne- 
cessary 

XXXVIII. OUR SELF - RESPECT RE- 
QUIRES IT. 

Whenever an expression of the popular will takes 
place, it should be respected. This will, when 
freely expressed, constitutes the Democracy of the 
Republic, without regard to the merits or demerits 
of the question. It is not necessary that every 
man should think and act essentially alike, to be 
entitled to the much abused appellation, Bemoaal 
— if this were the case, there could be no govern- 
ment, as there would not be governors and govern- 
ed. The will of the majority is the law of the 
land — yet the minority is not to be utterly disre- 
garded. When the majority is large, on any mea ■ 
sure, it denotes its popularity ; when small, it is 
more questionable. It is well known ihatthe par- 
ty which held the reins of government for the last 
fifteen years, styled themselves Democrats. They 
were so, in the strictest sense of the term ; yet 
their measures might have been bad. When it be- 
comes manifest, that the ruling powers are incom- 
petent, and their measures inexpedient, the people 
aemand the removal of the former, and the sup- 
pression of the latter. This is the most beautiful 
feature of a free government, and is productive of no 
greater ^vil than placing outs in, and ins out. De- 
mocracy in fact, then, entirely depends on the ac- 
tion of the people. As has been before remarked, 
the government established on their will, is Demo- 
cratic, and the form is called a Democracy. It is 
now apparent, that a man who is for a Bank, is a 
Democrat, as well as a man who opposes the same. 
The'man who denies that the people are the source 
of all power, is not a Democrat. This great splut- 
ter about names is perfect nonsense. It is never- 
theless astonishing to behold, what a charm is 
sometimes in a name, and what ai-rant hypocrites 
have not every age and every nation witnessed un- 
der assumed names and false titles ? Admitting 
that the Van Buren, alias Loco Foco party, was 
Democratic formerly, they ceased to be so in 1810. 
And the Whigs became Democratic then ; their 



34 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



ascendancy was short-lived, — it lasted but one 
month. The present Administration, which now is 
( O), of course, is not Democratic, though it pro- 
fesses to be — it acts contrary- to the will of the peo- 
ple, and the instructions of their Delegates. The 
question now resolves itself into this, — Shall the 
Democrats, who elected Harrison, cease to be 
such, by the death of their President? Why, this 
would be virtually admitting that we had no prin- 
ciples, or if we had, that fhey were all vested in 
our lamented Executive. The people who achiev- 
«'d that triumph, are not yet prepared to be charged 
with corruption, venality, and all kinds of debauch- 
ery. Decisive action is necessary to teach those 
'^}-cophants of the people when in power, and their 
slanderers when out, that their will is sovereign 
and STipreme. A majority of one hundred and 
forty-five thousand freemen is not to be trifled with. 
>nneteen of these sovereign States have been ac- 
cused of being duped, and Hai'd Ciderified out of 
fheir senses. Not only so ; they say, that a little 
sprinkling of British gold, wrapped up in Coon 
Skins, has also assisted towards the overthrow of 
the good old Democratic party. Self-respect and 
Democratic consi.'tency, require of us to teach 
those men, that we are not to be dictated to — and 
though the election of Mr. Clay might not be 
very agreeable to them, our will shall so declare, 

A.\D WE, THE PEOPLE, SHALL BE SUPREME. 

XXXIX. THE TRIUMPH OF 1840. 

This glorious triumph has been alluded to, but 
being in itself the peisonification of every thing 
which should be dear to Republicans, and on the 
merits of which wiU, in a great measure, depend 
the issue of the approaching election — allow the 
decisive and unexam])led results of that victory to 
be buried in the tomb of the lamented Harrison, 
and what a picture would not be presented ! Why 
the ashes of that honest and illustrious personage 
would rise from the tomb, and upbraid us with 
cowardice, with dishonor, and with shame. I well 
know, that if the spirits of the illustrious dead are 
ever allowed to visit the earth, our Harrison's 
will hover over his countrymen in the approaching 
contest, and smile with approbation at the success 
of those principles which he would have carried 
out, had he been spared amongst us. 

During that eventful struggle, who can forget 
the intense anxiety which occupied every heart, as 
to its result. The party in power, flushed with 
many victories, and sustained with the patronage 
of the government, defied resistance. They had 
all their strongholds and fortresses well manned. 
Their desire to retain their authority knew no 
bounds. The people, on the other hand, the de- 
scendants of the Whigs of '76, rallied to the con- 
test, relying on the Great Jehovah and the justice 
of their cause. Well disposed and good humored. 



instead of cries and lamentations, they sang the 
songs of patriots, congratulating each other upon 
surviving the shock and convulsion through which 
they had passed, and that, even like the children 
of Israel, they were about to be delivered from 
their twelve years' thraldom. We had no sentinel 
save the sleepless Coon, which held its unwearied 
watch over the circuitous and wily movements of 
the Fox. Secured by the watchfulness of the 
COON, and refreshed with the draughts of our 
CIDER, we met the myrmidons, mid they were ours. 
It is asserted that the virtue and intelligence of the 
nation had suffered from the " Coon Skin and Hard 
Cider Campaign." It is not so. — Humility being 
the greatest virtue, was then represented by a Log 
Cabin — and intelligence, the greatest earthly bless- 
ing, by music and song. The selection of a Eog 
Cabin for our motto, was emblematic of the sim- 
plicity of Republican institutions, and the wearing 
them on our buttons, showed that their inmates 
had resolved on settling the affairs of government 
in their own way. Never was music like that of 
'40. Search the Tyrolese Alps, or the gorgeous 
aisles of St. Peter's — and there it will not be found. 
That was the music of the heart, the spontaneous 
burst of patriotic indignation, rushing forth from 
its pent up caves — bearing with it, comfort to the 
oppressed, and anguish to the oppressors. It was 
a nation's voice ascending aloft for a redress of 
grievances. I cannot forget the silent tears which 
trickled down the furrowed cheeks of the aged 
yeomanry, as the youthful choirs chanted their 
thrilling melodies, concerning the nation's woes. 
This is called a disgrace. If it be a disgrace to 
accomplish a peaceful revolution in .so extensive a 
country as this, witliout a life being lost, then in- 
deed so it is. It would be well for those who slan- 
der the agents of that day, to look back, and see 
whether our little sprinkling of Hard Cider would 
compare with the Rum and Brandy used by the 
old Hickory Clubs, either in quantity or quality. 
The sovereign people will occasionally feel inclin- 
ed to act in conformity with their inclinations, and 
they are the judges of the matter, and therefore I do 
not censure the people — it would be treason to 
censure the sovereign power. Alas ! our victory 
has been for nought, and ere long the people will 
again come forth to assert their supremacy. The 
Hag of 1840 will again be unfurled to the breeze, 
with our principles nailed to the staif. If we de- 
sire to sing songs, we shall sing them. " Vox 
populi, vox Dei." 

XL. ONE PRESIDENTIAL TERM. 
It is almost useless to bring this matter before 
the American people. Every citizen is so deeply 
interested, that it would be almost an insult to 
their judgment to discuss it. Yet, in a great airay 
of truths, this, though a self-evident proposition. 



HENRY CLAT SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



35 



may form a link to the unbroken chain. The more 
frequently the people are heard through the ballot 
boxes, the more secure their liberties ; the less fre- 
quently, the nearer the approach to monarchy. 

It is said, that it would be injurious to the inter- 
ests of the countiy, to stop the career of a faithful 
and well tried servant, after the lapse of so short a 
time, and bestow the honor on a citizen yet un- 
tried. It is honor enough for (he most distinguish- 
ed citizen to be once at the head of a free people. 
When he knows that his Administrative otiice is 
limited, he redoubles his zeal to administer the af- 
fairs of the nation with fidelity, in order that he 
might hand down to posterity an unsullied reputa- 
tion. It does not prevent him from bestowing favors 
on those whom he may prefer ; it encourages him to 
select the most meritoiious, not for partizan pur- 
poses, but for official duty. Nothing is more dan- 
gerous to a free government, than to allow any 
avenues to remain open, through which corruption 
may pass without detection. A mere supposition, 
that it could possibly pass, should be sufficient 
ground for determined action, when the salus popu- 
Li, suprema lex est— the safety of the people is the 
supreme law. We have created our Chief Magis- 
trate, for the very reason that he has endeared him- 
self to his country, and to us, by a long and faith- 
ful public life. 

We should, however, always bear in mind, that 
the love of power is a most insidious foe, and that 
men become slaves to it, before they are aware of 
it. The disgrace of our honored citizen is not de- 
sired. He has sailed in the Ship of State one voy- 
age, and his old friends eagerly desire his return 
to their associations. It is understood, that during 
his voyage, he has officially associated w-ith the 
Ministers, Charges des Affaires, Embassadors, En- 
voys, and Plenipotentiaries, of Kings and Empe- 
rors. He witnesses that pomp and pageantry, to 
which his country is yet almost a stranger, (save 
and except in the large cities, where there is a 
right smart sprinkling of them already.) He be- 
holds men in livery, and gazes at the fascinating 
trappings of royalty. He looks with admiration on 
their fine coaches — sprigs of royalty, with their 
mustachios and coats of arms. — " Evil communica- 
tions corrupt good manners." Four years' con- 
nexion with such humbuggery is, in all conscience, 
sufficient for every useful purpose. Men's better 
judgment will dictate, that the quicker their hon- 
ored friend cuts such acquaintance, the better will 
it be for him and his coimtry. A successor from 
the plain walks of Republican life, will be better 
proof against these seductive appearances, than one 
already initiated in them. Our national gallery 
would be benefitted by the One Term policy. The 
laudable ambition of the people would be excited 
to a more vigorous action. True greatness would 
receive a quicker and more certain reward. Ail 



servile partizanship would be eradicated, and un- 
due influence removed. Every man would then 
rise or fall on his own merits, and a more unre- 
strained expression of public opinion could be had. 
The curtains behind which the old well trained 
and systematic wire-workers pull their mysterious 
strings, would then be torn off. What a spectacle 
of electioneering and forestalling machineiy would 
then present itself to the public eye. The press, un- 
trammeled by Executive patronage, would assume 
a higher and more independent tone, and the sovei- 
eigrity of the people would be the better establish- 
ed. So thought the people in 1840 ; they have had 
no reason to change their opinion, but every cause 
to confirm them in this salutary doctrine. The 
Mill-Boy of the Slashes has nobly maintained this 
reform, and merits well enough of his country, to 
be the first Chief Magistrate under its auspices. 

XLI. THE LAND DISTRIBUTION BILL. 
The bill proposed in December, 1835, directed 
" that ten per cent, of the n'ett proceeds of the pub- 
lic lands, sold within the limits of the seven new 
States, should be set apart for them in addition to the 
five per cent, reserved by their several compacts 
with the United States ; and that the residue of the 
proceeds, whether from sales made in the States or 
Territories, shall be divided among the twenty-four 
States in proportion to their respective Federal 
population." In the event of a war breaking out 
with any foreign power, the bill was to cease, and 
the fund which it distributed was to be applied to 
the prosecution of the war. The object of the 
bill was to enable the several States, the more ef- 
fectually, to carry on and complete the Internal Im- 
provements : experience has shown that in this as 
well as in all other projects, which Mr. Clay 
originated, the successful issue of State enterprize 
was the basis of his political action. He said '■ if 
the bill had passed, about twenty millions of dol- 
lars would have been, during the last three years, 
in the hands of the several States, applicable by 
them to the beneficent purposes of Internal Im- 
provement, Education or Colonization. What im- 
mense benefits might not have been difiused 
throughout the land by the active employment of 
that large sum ! What new channels of commerce 
and communication might not have been opened ! 
What industry siiimdated ! AVhat labor rewarded ! 
How many youthful minds might have received 
the blessings of education and knowledge, and been 
rescued from ignorance, vice and ruin ! How 

MANY DESCENDANTS OF AFRICA MIGHT HAVE 
BEEN TRANSPOKTED FROM A COUNTRY WHERE 
THEY CAN NEVER ENJOY POLITICAL OR SoCIAL 
EQUALITY, TO THE NATIVE LAND OF THEIR 
FATHERS, WHERE NO IMPEDIMENT EXISTS TO 
THEIR ATTAINMENT OF THE HIGHEST DEGREE 
OF ELEVATION, INTELLECTUAL, SoCIAL A.V0 



36 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



Political ! And, sir, when we institute a com- 
parison between what might have been effected, 
and what has in fact been done, with that large 
amount of national treasure, our sensations of re- 
gret, on account of the failure of the bill of 1833, 
are still keener. Instead of its being dedicated to 
the beneficent uses of the whole people, and our 
entire country, it has been an object of scrambling 
among local corporations, and locked up in the 
vaults, or loaned out by the directors of a few of 
them, who are not under the slightest responsibility 
to the Government or people of the United States. 
Instead of liberal, enlightened and national pur- 
poses, it has been jiartially applied to local, limited 
and selfish uses. Applied to increase the semi- 
annual dividends of favorite stockholders in favorite 
Uanks ! Twenty millions of the national treasure 
are scattered in parcels among petty corporations ; 
and while they are growling over the fragments 
and greedy for more, the Secretaries are brooding 
in schemes for squandering the whole. The Gen- 
eral Government, by an extraordinary exercise of 
executive power, no longer affords aid to any new 
works of Internal Improvement. Although it 
sprung from the Union, and cannot survive the 
Union, it no longer engages in any public improve- 
ment to perpetuate the existence of the Union. 
But the spirit of improvement pervades the land, 
in every variety of form, active, vigorous and en- 
terprising, wanting pecuniary aid as well as intel- 
ligent direction. The States have undertaken what 
the General Government is prevented from accom- 
plishing." 

What voluminous truths are contained in the 
foregoing prophetic language ! What evidence of 
the highest patriotism is not here evinced ! The 
States would not present such a frightful picture 
of indebtedness as they do now, if the principles 
involved in this bill had been realized by them. 
If it were good then, in 1835, it certainly is much 
better now. The more a man examines this doc- 
trine, the better he will like it. Mr. Clay is its 
able advocate and friend. 

XLII. THE VETO POWER. 

Had this power, vested by the Constitution in 
the Chief Magistrate, been wisely exercised, it 
would not now bo necessary to discuss its merits. 
There is nothing more to be dreaded in a free Gov- 
ernment than the increasing power of the Execu- 
tive. In a Republican state of society, the superior 
intelligence and moral energy of the people, should 
prompt them effectually to resist its dangerous ten- 
dency. Ambition and love of power first arise in 
those who claim jiretensions to a superior rank, 
they then descend to the less favored, and finally 
infuse a withering influence throughout the whole 
body politic. The producing classes would be in- 
finitely better circumstanced, had this power never 



been exercised. In the case of the veto of tliei 
Land Distribution bill in 1833, they were the suf- ^ 
ferers ; if the States had received their respective 
quota, under the act, they could have paid a large 
portion of their liabilities in good money, and would 1 
thereb)'' have prevented the laborers being desper- 
ately cheated as they have been. In that case the 
power was exercised by the President retaining; 
the bill in his possession beyond the limited time. 
It had passed by a majority of two-thirds in the 
House, and it was thought that it would have pass- 
ed with a like majority in the Senate, after the 
Compromise Act had been settled. It is strange, , 
that every veto yet issued, has been in direct con- 
tradiction to the will of the people. When mat- 
ters occur which are novel in their nature, it is 
well that they should be duly considered before 
they receive the sanction of the President. It was 
for this end, that the Power was originally vested. 
In protracted Sessions of Congress, measures might 
arise for action, upon which the people had not ex- 
pressed their opinion ; the Executive cannot be too 
cautious in overlooking the progress of such 
things. 

When the people have, however, acted deliberately 
on a question, and in pursuance of such action it 
becomes a law, by a respectable majority, it theu 
should receive the Executive sanction, and this 
should be imperative. It is the greatest character- 
istic, and the most censurable attribute of royalty, 
that the will of the King is so often exercised in 
opposition to the will of the people. Men who 
have experienced the tyranny and oppression of 
kingly despots should be first in discountenancing 
the undue exercise of the veto power. It is more 
criminal in a Republic, than in an Empire or a 
monarchy. It almost amounts to an absurdity, to 
have a President elected for the express purpose 
of carrying out and perfecting the popular will, to 
veto that will according to his pleasure or caprice. 
Such conduct has frequently bi'ought Kings them- 
selves to the block. A measure which might be 
expedient for the people this season, might be in- 
expedient in three or four years hence — hence 
arises the necessity of limiting the veto power, in 
order that the people might enjoy the immediate 
benefits arising from the enactment of laws to suit 
their expressed necessities. The people speak out 
their wants through their delegated authorities 
fresh from among them, and their Chief Magis- 
trate lends a deaf ear to their requisition. What 
an usurpation of power is here presented ! This 
great prerogative has been too freely exercised 
lately, it would be much better to have it not e.vist 
at all, if its existence of itself constitutes an abuse. 
Let it be at least modified, so that it will be more 
congenial to our institutions, aiu' less capable of 
tramplina on the rights, and annulling the will of a 
whole people. This is a favorite measure of the 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



37 



people's candidate — the nation's friend — the Hon. 
Henrv Clay ! ! ! 

XLIII. THE MEMORY OF HARRISON. 

It cannot be denied that the most devoted patriots 
of the Republic convened in Harrisburg for the 
puqiose of bringing Mr. Clay's name before the 
Convention, which nominated the illustrious Hak- 
KisoN. None contributed more than he to the 
preference given to that distinguished individual, 
none labored more arduously towards his election. 
Napoleon never achieved a more signal triumph 
over the enemies of France, by his brave warriors, 
than did the statesman of Kentucky over the well 
diilledand hitherto almost unconquerable veterans 
of the dominant party. When the tocsin of victory 
was sounded, and the peals of triumph rang through 
the mountains tops and lowly glens — when the 
shouts of an exulting nation had reached his ears, 
and bore with them an invitation to become a 
member of the new Cabinet ; he remained unmov- 
ed, and followed the directions of his conscience, 
which dictated to him another course. The Senate 
Chamber was his field ; it was there that his ser- 
vices were required. He well understood that it 
was necessary that strength and stability should be 
imparted to the Administration by every depart- 
ment of it : that great changes in the policy of 
Slate affairs were to be effected ; that it was for 
this purpose, the voice of freemen had been raised, 
and the victoiy achieved ! Who does not remem- 
ber the warm friendship, the devoted attachment 
and the sincere affection which existed between 
Mr. Clay and the deceased? During the awful 
struggle which existed between this and the future 
world, the one desirous of retaining the object of 
its regard, the other of bearing aloft so glorious a 
trophy. Anxiety was deeply seated on llie heart 
of CLAY ! When the struggle had ceased, and 
the earth so recently triumphant, had been utterly 
discomfited, and the spirit of HARRISON had 
for ever left us, it was then that Atlas lilce, he put 
his shoulder under the Constitution and laws— it 
was then that his soul yearned for his country, and 
tagerly desired to gratify the waiting hearts of an 
afUicted people ! ! How nobly did he struggle ! 
How indefatigable were his efforts, — how ujan}' 
sleepless nights did he not spend in preparing those 
measures of relief which the public weal so im- 
peratively demanded ! What a manifest inconsis- 
tency would not the citizens be justly charged with 
if they should sanction those very principles which 
they so recently condemned ! What an insult to tlieir 
sovereign will, to continue the greater part and re- 
establish all the measures which were the subjects 
upon which they were more directly called on to 
act ! Mr. CLAY well knew that the majesty of the 
people was violated, that their cries for a chanue 
were unheeded I For some time he stemmed the 



torrent. History will record his efforts as the 
noblest acts of the noblest son of the Republic, and 
award to him the credit of disinterested patriotism,. 
The honor, the dignity and the consistency of our 
institutions loudly demand that the victory of 1840 
should be followed up, and the obnoxious measures 
against which the people protested, be consigned 
to everlasting oblivion ! Why was a majority of 
one hundred and forty-five thousand given to the 
honest Harrison ? Why did nineteen States of 
this glorious Confederacy insist on a change of 
Administration ? It was not to repeal the Sub- 
Treasury, and then not grant a Substitute. The 
country desired a fundamental change ; there was 
never before a more decided expression of its will 
given. The people possess wisdom, virtue and in- 
telligence enough to elect a President who icill carry 
out thij change, and in all things cxeaite their will. 
He who disdained a seat in the greatest earthly as- 
semblage, where he could not be useful to his 
countrj'men — he who scorned to eat the bread of 
idleness, or pamper himself on the public patronage, 
whilst the vetoes of the Executive were once and 
again laid on their fondest hopes. Glorious resig- 
nation ! Important event I ! Yet how affecting, 
how thrilling a scene ! An everlasting separation 
from his brother Senators — a final adieu from those 
walls, v^hich if they could but speak, would be the 
strongest evidence of the patriotism — the greatness 
of the man. Nations will fall — principles will sur- 
vive ! CiNCiNNATUs retired for the salvation of 
Rome — Clay sacrificed himself to his country 
when he had nearly filled the measure of her glory, 
but it will be an additional lustre to his name. 
Posterity will view it as the most disinterested act 
of his existence. Official station had no charm for 
hiui, when the Executive had refused to co-operate 
in the cause dearest his heart — the welfare of the 
people. 

XLIV. THE RIGHT OF PETITION. 

In a Republic, composed of many States, there 
must of necessity be many conflicting interests : in 
a government of this kind, it is the duty of those 
who are entrusted with its destinies, to conciliate 
and harmonize all its different antagonisiical prin- 
ciples. In all matters the Constitution should be 
scrupulously maintained, and the rights of every 
citizen, however humble, religiously protected. 
The supreme power of this country is the reflection 
of the will of the whole people, without tlie exclu- 
sion of any. Of a'l rights, that of Petition, is 
deai-est to freemen : a denial of this is in fact, by 
many, supposed to be a violation of the Constitu- 
tion, and must eventually if persisted in, be pro- 
ductive of much evil. The Southern States feel 
alarmed at the course of the Northern Abolitionists, 
but this is not a sufficient ground for them to refuse 
the prayers of even tliat portion of American cjli- 



38 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



zens. If AboliUohists are citizens, they are evi- 
dently entitled to all their immunities, if they are 
a;uilty of treason or any other misdemeanors, they 
are subject to the laws of their country. Inasmuch 
as they have never been arraigned before the civil 
bar for the crime of Abolition, and still enjoy in 
their respective States all the rights and privileges 
of other men, it is unreasonable that they should 
be denied this, the most sacred of all rights, by the 
General Government. The Consjress of the United 
States would, in the judgment of many, have acted 
more prudently in even attempting to disfranchise 
tliis class of men altogether, than to exclude their 
petitions without reference or report. Mr. Clay 
on this question says : " It is well known to the 
Senate, that I have thought that the most judicious 
course with Abolition petitions has not been of late 
pursued by Congress. I have believed that it 
would have been wisest to have received and re- 
ferred them, without opposition, and to have reported 
against their object in a calm and dispassionate and 
argumentative appeal to the good sense of the 
whole community. I am, Mr. President, no friend 
of slavery. O^J-The Searcher of all Hearts 
knows that every pulsation of mine beats 
itigh and strong in the cause of civil 
Liberty. Wherever it is safe and prac- 
ticaele i desire to see every portion of 
THE Human Family in the evjoyment of 
IT. .4:15 But I prefer the Liberty of my own coun- 
try to that of any other pi ople ; and the liberiy of 
iny own race, to that of any other race. The liber- 
ty of the descendants of Africa in the United States 
i.-! incompatible with the safety and liberty of the 
European descendants. Their slatery forms an 
exception — an exreption resulting from a stern and 
inexorable necessity — to the general liberty in the 
United States. We did not originate, nor are we 
responsible for, this nacessity. Their liberty, if it 
were possible, could only be established by violating 
the incontestible powers of the Stales, and subvert- 
ing the Union. And beneath the ruins of the Union 
would be buried, sooner or later, the liberty of both 
races." This is in accordance with Mr. Clay's 
whole life. He is in favor of the Right of Petition 
in all cases, though oi)posed to their contents. In 
a late controversy I had with an Irish gentleman, 
he said he could not vote for Mr. Clay, because 
he presented a petition from Sullivan county in the 
Slate of New York for the Repeal of the Naturali- 
zation law. But it can be seen that he holds this 
nglit as inalienable to every citizen, and a.s such 
he felt himself bound to present it. That matter 
waH, or at least ought to be for ever settled, by the 
able exposition which he gave Mr. Gallitzin in 
relation thereto. He is a devoted friend to ail the 
rights of men, and more particularly to tho Right 
of Petition. Adopted citizens read this state-stnan's 
life, and you will vote lor liisn to becoiiie your Chief 
.Magistrate. 



XLV. THE CREDIT SYSTEM. 

In no department of American politics can we 
find a topic of such intense importance as the 
Credit System. Many have attributed the almost 
innumerable bankruptcies of individuals to this 
cause. It is, nevertheless, a mistaken idea, to 
charge it with what its abuse has effected. When 
a desire of novelty, an ambition for power, and a 
restless anxiety for change, seize the minds of the 
unfortunate and disappointed; they are, whilst in 
this state, utterly incapable of properly estimating 
the advantages accruing from those sources, which 
they have abused. No men in this Republic were 
louder in their approval, or more earnest in extend- 
ing the influence of credit, from 1828 to 1833, than 
those who have recently been heard to denounce 
it, whilst standing on the smouldering ruins of the 
altars which they erected — the last remains of their 
unskilful workmanship. 

It may here be remarked, that when the cause 
is corrupt, the eflect will also be corrupt. So long 
as the Currency was good, Credit was healthy ; in 
the same proportion that it became spurious. Cred- 
it became aU'ected. Small Banks, conscious of 
their own rottenness, were not particular to whom 
they made their loans, they rather boasted of the 
amount of their issues, as well as the extent of 
their speculations. As the money, so called, 
increased in circulation, so did the desire of bor- 
rowing delusively attract the producing and indus- 
trious classes. All were eager to become rich — 
none were willing to be called poor. All the citi- 
zens flattered themselves that they still had the 
Republican virtue of their fathers, because they 
were neither addicted to the frivolities, the ex- 
penses or the vices of the palace, they however 
forgot that the zeal of party, the love of power, the 
thirst of popularity, were gradually exciting amongst 
them a love lor pleasure, a longing for gold, and an 
inclination for Aristocratic distinction, which 
would inevitably, if persisted in, cast a sombre 
cloud over the simplicity and innocence of their 
lising greatness and increasing glory. The most 
distinguished actors in this bloated and corrupt 
Credit System, were the most violent and the least 
respected demagogues. Men who possessed the 
power of obtaining, at pleasure, large sums of 
money, would soon imperceptibly acquire a pre- 
ponderating influence, in giving to whole commu- 
nities the impress of their destructive operations. 
How was it possible, that a credit based on rotten- 
ness and bad faith could exist? Five hundred Pet 
Banks, engaged in their respective traihc, with 
their agents and emissaries, buying up the public 
demesne, and otherwise imposing on the public 
credulity, could not but result in irretrievable ruin 
to all persons who wore interested in their more 
remote operations': Millions of dollars of credit 
were received, without ihe means of paying one cent 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



39 



of it. • Swamps were sold for cities, and frog-,ponds 
for the most delightful mill sites. The intelligent 
and virtuous could not look at such a state of things 
without deep concern. In the city of Chicago, 
some three or four gentlemen destroyed, in the 
Lake House, in one night, in 1836, some twelve 
hundred dollars worth of bar utensils, k.c. This 
bill, and many others of a similar character, were 
paid in the spurious currency of the .shin-plaster 
shops, and everything was again in statu quo. It 
is astonishing, from what unjust causes, men will 
frequently draw their conclusions. Is the Credit 
System to be denounced, because these bubbles 
burst : Why, the most healthy man can become 
unhealthy by the abuse of his faculties, — the blood 
which flows through our veins, pure and whole- 
some, can become, by the infusion of poison, im- 
pure and unhealthy. In the political, as well as in 
the animal world, a due regard must be had to uni- 
formity, regularity and consistency. A close ad- 
hesion must be also had to correct and honest 
principles, every deviation from which will always 
be attended with pernicious consequences. When 
the Banks failed, of course the credit which they 
sustained fell with them, then it seems it was the 
creating power which was incapable of sustaining 
its own offspring, and consequently the cause of so 
much individual bankruptcy, must be attributed to 
the creation of so many Banks, and the issue of so 
much spurious money. 

The ruinous policy of the Administration was 
not only seen in this instance, but also in the reme- 
dy—which, instead of drawing a little blood from the 
arveries, and thus gradually endeavoring to restore 
things to a proper equilibrium — drew the sword 
against its own pets, and unnaturally beheaded 
th*m, by the issue of the Specie Circular. This 
was the finale of the dishonest and ruinous war on 
the Currency — then was perfected the odious doc- 
trine of gold and silver for the othce-holders, and 
rags for the people. This swallowed the remain- 
ing vitality of those cursed vipers, and in it we 
know not which the most to abhor, the grievance 
or the remedy. Mr. Clay has always opposed 
one currency for the government, and another for 
the people. He desires a healthy Credit System, 
and high wages for the poor. 

XLVI. THE WAGES OF LABOR WOULD 
BE INCREASED. 
The policy of Mr. Clay has always been salva- 
tion, not destruction. He has never opposed the 
introduction of any measure v.hich he thought 
would be beneficial to his country. In those great 
national acts, which bear the impress of his undying 
patriotism, he has given way in many instances to 
the judgment of others. He has always evinced 
great hopes in the success of everything which he 
deemed constitutional. Sometimes he vvas riot in- 



sensible to the faults of others, and though he 
would suggest tiieir modification in several particu- 
lars, yet he trusted to time, and their returning 
good sense, to effect the proposed changes, which 
they may on a fair trial deem expedient. 

It is clear to all, that confidence is now nearly 
destroyed, our finances low, our credit impaired, 
and the whole machinery of government too much 
under Executive control, to expect things to be- 
come restored to Iheir wonted channel. It would 
be worse than madness to continue in power the 
authors of such disorder and ruin. Affairs, if per- 
mitted to remain in the present retrograde state, 
Avill ere long produce in this happy country, ail the 
miseiy and poverty which we have witnessed in 
Europe. Already an Aristocratic class has arisen 
out of the general failure of the enterprising and 
adventurous masses, who possess large quantities 
of ill-gotten wealth ; whereby they can exercise an 
all-powerful influence. It is preposterous to sup- 
pose, that Specie can form the only and exclusive 
Currency of this extensive Republic. Yet there 
are men who openly proclaim such doctrines. The 
labouring classes especially, who have emigrated 
from Europe, know the destructive tendency of 
such a policy. It is said that money will become 
more valuable, as its circulation becomes less ; 
grant it — but do our foreign wants proportionabiy 
decrease .' Why this principle of an exclusive me- 
tallic currency, would not only compel us to have 
recourse to a high Tariff for protection, but even 
to an almost entire exclusion of everything foreign. 
In this state of things we would be reduced to the 
European standard of wages immediately, and of 
consequence, to more misery and poverty, owing 
to our extent of territory, distance from markets, 
&c. — we would be less able to sustain ourselves 
here on double the wages which we had in Europe. 
Add to this, the length of winter, and other incon- 
veniences to which we are subject. It is indis- 
pensable to the successful performance of many 
manufacturing arts, that we still patronize the old 
country. The result of the pusillanimous system 
which certain good citizens now propose, would be 
a worse state of tilings, than exist in the most un- 
favored lands. It is readily perceived, that a dan- 
gerous monied Aristocracy would be immediately 
created, who could hold the labor and industry of 
our people at their nod. How could we ever be 
able to pay off our State and individual indebted- 
ness under such a state of things ? These debts 
were contracted wlien the country was inundated 
with shin plasters, more worthless than the assig- 
nats of France. Why, to pay one hundred dollars, 
we would require as much labor as would, when 
the debt was contracted, ])ay five hundred dollars. 
It is evident then, that such a system as proposed, 
would for over incapacitate the citizens and States 
for paying tlieir debts, anci eventually expel Hon- 



40 



FIFTY REASONS WHY 



esty from the heritage which Washington be- 
queathed to his countrymen. How many men of 
brilliant talents, and generous souls, are now strug- 
gling for a bare subsistence in this fruitful and de- 
lightful country, who, if they had but a few hun- 
dred dollars, might receive a start into a prosperous 
and lucrative business. Several i.i.^dred Germans 
have lately returned home, owing to the want of 
that employment which this former El Dorado of 
the New World always previously afforded to the 
enterprising emigrant. Examine the whole policy 
of this government for the last fifteen years, and 
you will find its tendency has invariably been to 
make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. When 
in the employment of the Government in the West, 
I received specie for my pay. When the day ar- 
rived on which we were to be paid, numbers 
would call on the clerks for their specie, giving 
them twenty per cent for the gold and silver, in or- 
der to enter their lands. I have known as high as 
thirty. It is not necessary to say that one of the 
Secretaries of the present Administration sold his 
money, and paid an honest and industrious mechanic 
some three or more hundred dollars in one dollar 
notes — the good natured man, when he beheld the 
pile, coolly remarked : Sir, had I known that I 
should have such a burden to carry home, I would 
have hired a Negro. We are told that the Whigs 
promised two dollars a day and roast beef, if they 
got into power. Such a promise has not, I hope, 
had any eifect on the incorruptible Democracy of 
the country. I have never heard such language 
used. But suppose it had been used, was it pos- 
sible that a whole nation could be relieved in one 
short month, whilst the honored Harrison lived. 
When he died we lost our HEAD, and instead 
thereof we received one which was ere long cooked 
and seasoned, with the essence of the old leaven. 
Why he declared he was a people's man, the Con- 
stitutional President — and finally a Jeffersonian 
Democrat — though such a thing as an Exchequer 
or a Bank veto cannot be discovered in the Adminis- 
trative policy of that extraordinary statesman, 
Thomas Jefferson. A good Regulator of the 
currency will render it uniform — the laboring man 
and the office holder will be paid in the same coin. 
Credit will be restored — Internal Improvements 
will revive — the resources of the country will be 
developed, and all nature will again be reinvigor- 
ated. Let us look to tliese matters — Magna est 
Veritas et prevalcbit. 

XLVII. THE STATE OF KENTUCKY IS 
ENTITLED TO A PRESIDENT. 

UHi^never passions have been stirred up, pride 
excited or wounds inflicted, in any portion of the 
citizens, it is always good policy to apply soothing 
remedies, and by a sense of justice restore the love 
of country in all. Every signal of alarm sounded 



by us, excites the jealousy of all the European 
powers. In the distribution of National honors, a 
due regard should always be had to all the conflict- 
ing interests of the Confederacy. It would be a 
wise plan not only to limit the Executive rule to 
one terra, but also to restrict it still further, by not 
allowing a State to be represented in the Executive 
chair twice in succession. Kentucky — the chival- 
rous Kentucky can justly boast of the patriot, who 
relatively stands in the annals of his country as the 
Sun does amongst tie lesser constellations. A 
Democrat lately observed to me — " Sir, I cannot 
deny that iVIr. Clay is not only the greatest man in 
this country, but the greatest now living." Why 
not vote for him, then, said I ? " No, I shall not 
desert my parly. I will vote for the nominee of 
the Democratic National Convention, be he whom 
he may. But as for Mr. Clay, on the platform of 
his country, he stands a head and shoulders taller 
than any other man in it. I am proud of him, and 
if I heard him insulted, I would stand in his defence. 
He is an American and so am I." The gentleman 
alluded to, is too strongly attached to party to sus- 
tain the greatest man living. But is his language 
in consonance with that wisdom which it is neces- 
sary for citizens to possess ? It would seem to be 
involved in this — my party first — m)- country next. 
Yes, the land which produced the most daring — the 
bravest — the noblest set of soldiers that ever lived 
should now be represented in the Chief Magistracy. 
Two-thirds of the citizens of Kentucky ai-e descend- 
ed from Irish ancestiy, and three-fourths of the 
State are in favor of Mr. Clay, politically, perhaps 
all socially ; hence Mr. Clay i-eceives the votes of 
the Irish in that State, where he is best known. 
Kentucky is entitled to a President, and Pennsyl- 
vania ought to look at home, and not allow th^ 
Albany regency to dictate terms to her and the 
Uiuon. Why, if New York cannot produce a 
stronger man than the Hon. Martin Van Buren 
— the Hero of Canada — the Knight of the Sub- 
Treasur)', she ought at once resign the title of the 
Empire State ! A man on whom the indignation 
of a majority of one hundred and forty-five thousand 
freemen fell — and the ponderous weight of nineteen 
States. Why really, so well merited a castigation 
ought to bring New York to her senses I ! Go 
ahead gentlemen, you are resolved on your course, 
and so is the Union resolved on its course. Never 
was an individual so abused as Mr. Clav has been 
by this same regency! Never has an individual 
merited it less! Eveiy man well understands that the 
most skilful and intriguing politicians may be found 
in the Democratic caucusses of Albany. Aside 
from this influence the New Yorkers are an intel- 
ligent and hospitable people, who will act as it 
suits them, when they are convinced of any un- 
known or private intrigue being set on foot to in- 
fluence their political action. The people of Ken- 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



41 



tucky should issue a National Manifesto, without 
distinction of party, on their claims for the Presi- 
dency; the Union should and will respond to it. 
Colonel Johnson, who lately said, that Mr. Clay 
was an honor to Kentucky, will give his honored 
Senator an impartial notice, when his foes pour 
upon him their venom and abuse. Yes, the de- 
fender of the' abused, the slandered Harrison, will 
now, true to himself and his country, say to the 
world : Gentlemen, here is HARRY — Kentucky's 
favorite — beat him, if you can, in an open field and 
fair fight ; but I beg you not to abuse him ! If 
they could not find a rifle in Old Kentuck to brini;; 
down this Coon, I reckon old Kinderhook can't 
come it. 

xlVhi. the sovereignty of the 

PEOPLE. 

He who would trifle with this great fundamental 
principle, upon which all governments should 
rest, is no friend to Republics. Every man is free 
1.0 act according to the dictates of his own con- 
science ; any restraint imposed on this action, pro- 
vided it doos not injure society, is tyranny. It is 
insulting to the sovereign people, to treat them 
with contempt, in any manner; when they speak 
through their constitutional organs, they should be 
heard. When they command, they should be 
obeyed. Every citizen desires the inviolability of 
the great principle — Vox populi, vox Dei. None 
can be found who are more worthy of popular 
favor, than they who invariably act in subservience 
to the popular will. None are less worthy than 
they who set that will at defiance. The Whig 
party have, during the last fifteen years, calmly 
submitted to the laws of their country, they have 
always endeavored to enlighten the people, through 
the press, and in every other rational mode within 
their power. Whenever accusations have been made, 
they were applied to those who were the professional 
leaders, never to the people themselves. Defeat fol- 
lowed defeat, still they insisted on the sovereignt}'^ 
of the people. V^ictory at length crowned their 
enduring perseverance, and the Democracy of the 
country redeemed themselves from the improper 
influence which was exercised over their political 
action. They established the truth of the doctrine, 
which of all others is the most sacred — that their 
will is supreme. No sooner, however, had they 
effected their deliverance from the demagogueic 
meshes, in which they were for a long season en- 
tangled, and stood forth redeemed and disenthrall- 
ed, than the party, who had brought upon them- 
selves their indignation, instead of blaming them- 
selves for their mal-administration, threw all the 
Ddium on the source of all power — the people. 
They then and now assert, that the change was 
effected by British gold, and the demoralization of 
■he people. If the people are capable of being 

6 



bought with British gold, they are not the people 
they should be ! If they have been demoralized, 
it was from the effect of the bad example of their 
demagogues, and the ruinous policy of the country. 
But these charges are not true, they are base libels 
on the people of the United States. There never 
was a more intelligent, or a more moral people, 
than the people of this country. They cannot be 
insensible to these gross attacks. When tliey act, 
they are determined that their motives shall not be 
condemned. However, it seems, from the present 
appearance of things, that the vanquished party are 
fully bent upon dictating to the sovereigns of the 
country — they are now taking measures to resusci- 
tate the men and the measures, which have been 
so recently condemned. How will these matters 
appear before the world! Why, they will say. 
Republics are inconsistent — to-day they condemn, 
to-morrow they sanction. Now they elect men to 
pass certain laws~by-and-by the laws are vetoed. 
This year they say a Sub-Treasury is anti-Repub- 
lican— next year it is Republican. In a word, 
nothing is stable in such governments. Why, this 
action taken upon General Jackson's fine is, of 
itself, a cause for comment. His party is in power 
some twelve years, and the old veteran is, all this 
time, forgotten— but when they are out, they bring 
up this matter for political capital. There can be 
no doubt, but that this has been resolved on years 
ago, and the conclusion is irresistible, that the 
party, finding that the military fame of the General 
was sufficient political capital for his life-time, that 
the fine should be laid up lor a breeder, when they 
had exhausted all their other electioneering clap- 
traps. Now that the bill is passed by a Whig Sen- 
ate, therefore the capital is lost. Now, our sove- 
reignty is to be established our political rights 
maintained, and Van Bueen again defeated. 

XLIX. MR. CLAY IS REMARKABLY 
FRIENDLY TO FOREIGxNERS. 

Whilst on my route to Washington from the far 
West, I had frequent opportunities of ascertaining- 
the Great Commoner's opinion, relative to the 
emigration of Europeans to this country as well as 
their naturalization when here. I invariably found 
that in the more remote regions, where he was but 
little known, much prejudice existed against him, 
but when in Louisville, and other cities and towns 
in his own State, w-hcre he was best known, these 
narrow-minded \iews were not only narrowed 
down to a small compass, but absolutely removed 
altogether, and in his own immediate neighborhood 
he is a great favorite amongst the adopled citizens. 
It would be well for us and the country, that we 
had never acted almost in concert against this emi- 
nent statesman. Facts are stubborn things ; hear 
him in a Speech delivered in the Senate Chamber 
of his native land, before as large and as respecta- 



42 



FIFTY REASONS M'lIY 



ble an assemblage, as ever graced its galleries, on 
this subject. Mr. Clay, on the 3d of February, 
1832, said :— 

" The honest, patient, and industrious German 
readily unites with our people, establishes himself 
on some of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and 
enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruits, which 
his diligence has gathered around him, always 
ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, 
or of its laws, when called by the duties of patriot- 
ism. The gay, the versatile, the philosophical 
Frenchman, accommodating himself cheerfully to 
all tlie vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself 
without difficulty in our society. But of all 
Foreigners, none amalgamate themselves 
so quickly with our people as the natives 
of the emerald isle. In some of the 
visions which have passed through my 
imagination, I have supposed, that Ire- 
land was originally part and parcel of 
THIS Continent, and that by some extra- 
ordinary convulsion of nature, it was 
torn from America, and, drifting aciioss 
the Ocean, it was placed in the unfor- 
tunate vicinity of Great Britain. The 
same open-heartedness, the same careless 

and UNCALCULATING indifference ABOUT 
HUMAN LIFE, CHARACTERIZES THE INHABI- 
TANTS OF BOTH COUNTRIES. KENTUCKY HAS 
BEEN SOMETIMES CALLED THE IRELAND OF 

America. And I have no doubt, that, if 

THE EMIGRATION WERE REVERSED, AND SET 

FROM America upon the shores of Europe, 
EVERY American emigrant to Ireland 

WOULD THERE FIND, AS EVERY IrISH EMIGRANT 
HERE FINDS, A HEARTY WELCOME AND A 
HAPPY HOME." 

Such were the sentiments, and such are they 
now, and such will they ever be, of this Great 
Commoner, in respect to foreigners. This speaks 
for itself, and ought to be sutncient evidence of his 
great liberality to adopted citizens, and before all, 
to Irishmen. Mr. Clay has never been known to 
record his vote in favor of the abridgment of 
popular rights!! What has Mr. Van Buren 
done ? Why, he voted for the restriction of the 
right of suffrage in White Citizens, and for its 
extension to tlie Blacks ! .' .' ! His name stands in 
bold relief, for a i)erpetual notoriety, in the organ 
of the New York Native American party, called 
the New York Citizen, as one of their greatest 
champions. He said, when in the full tide of State 
popularity, that "Foreig.vers will render 
OUR Elections a curse, instead of a bless- 
ing." What! Is such language as the foregoing 
nothing ? Shall we overlook every thing in the 
Hero of the Proclamations, the Knight of the Caro- 
line, because, forsooth, he is styled a Democrat ! ! ! 
Shall this mantle envelop in obscurity all the sins 



of the Kinderhook politician, because of a name ? 
No ; it will already take years to heal the wounds 
which he has so cruelly inflicted on the rising ge- 
nius of American liberty. That party who set on 
foot tlie Native American party, in New York city, 
for political effect, ought to be ashamed ! I deal 
in facts. When Porter was executed in Penn- 
sylvania some years since, for mail robbery, &c. 
his accomplice was pardoned by General Jackson, 
though under sentence of death; this, however, 
was effected by means of a petition forwarded to 
the old veteran, which was numerously signed. 
General Jackson, of course, supposed that there 
were some mitigating circumstances connected 
with the pardoned criminal's case, by reason of the 
petition; he therefore justly deserved no censure, 
as, witliout doubt, he would have acted in a simi- 
lar manner towards Porter, under similar circum- 
stances. However, Porter happened to be an 
Irishman, therefore his execution, and the pardon 
of his accomplice, operated rather unfavorably on 
the Irish citizens. The cunning demagogues of 
that day, observing that the adopted citizens were 
becoming daily more indignant, resolved on an ex- 
periment, which proved eminently successful to- 
wards allaying the growing prejudices, viz. a small 
delegation from Washington was speedily despatch- 
ed to New York, in order to establish a Native 
American Association, this was done ; when in full 
operation, the Administration press opened its vol- 
leys on the society, it was denounced by them, 
from Maine to Georgia — from one extremity of the 
Union to the other — it was called a Whig measure 
— a Federal project, &c. By this means they ef- 
fected all that their secret and dangerous intrigues 
had first suggested— the Democrats were called upon 
to come out from among them, &c. Thus the 
Porter prejudice was allayed, and the adopted 
citizens were gained over. Reaiiers, the foregoing 
is, in the main, true. It is susceptible of proof, 
and can be proved. I now ask, as a man who, 
God knows, is honest in his political sentiments, 
what can you expect of men who would descend 
so low, to gain your influence ? — Shame on such 
chicanery. — Down with such legerdemain. — Gi\'e 
truth a fair field, and she asks no favor. 

L. THE ECONOMICAL ADMINISTRA- 
TION OF THE GOVERNMENT. 

Everj^ citizen is interested in the expenditures 
of each branch of the civil, military, and maritime 
departments of his country. It is not only the 
financial interest of this matter which should be 
examined, but also the profligacy which it encour- 
ages, the corruption which it promotes, and the 
avenues to fraud which it lays open. It would be 
well to examine this matter by comparison. 

Our beloved Washington's Administration, 
for 8 years, was . - - - $ 15,892.138 



HENRY CLAY SHOULD BE PRESIDENT. 



43 



John Adams', 4 years, - $21,450,351 
Thomas Jefferson's, 4 years, 41,300,788 
Mr. Madison's, 8 years, including 
the war expenses, ... 144,684,939 
Mr. Monroe's, 8 years, - 104,463,400 
J. Q. Adams', 4 " - 50,501,914 

General Jackson's, 8 " - 145,792,735 

M. Van Buren's, 4 " ^- 140,585,321 
From the above table, it is clearly seen, that the 
last Administration had swelled the current of 
national expenses, in the short term of four years, 
to nearly the amount of James Madison's eight 
years, including the war with England. Much 
has been said by the Loco Foco part)% concerning 
the Extra Session of Congress, and its ineffectual 
and abortive attempts to accomplish good for our 
common country. The Twenty-Seventh Congress 
has done much more than its most sanguine friends 
could expect, considering tlie position in which it 
was placed. It reduced the annual appropriations 
more than one-half, when compared with the aver- 
age expenditure of each year of Van Buren's 
Administration. Here are the facts : 
Van Buren's expenditure in 1837, $37,265,037.15 

1838, 39,455,438.35 

1839, 37,614,936.15 
" " " 1840, 27,249,909.51 



Total, 



$140,535,321.16 



The annual average on this amount 
is $35,146,330.29 

The last, or Twenty-Seventh Con- 
gress, which was Whig, reduced this 
enormous annual expenditure to - 16,332,837.00 
Which is less by $2,-580,656.19, than half the an- 
nual average expenditure of Van Buren's Admin- 
istration. Mr. CLAY gave all measures which 
had reference to retrenchment and reform, his most 
sanguine support. On this subject, he says : — 
" The next thing recommended is retrenchment in 
the national expenditure, and greater economy in 
the administration of the government. And do we 
not owe it to this bleeding country, to ourselves, 
and the unparalleled condition of the times, to ex- 
hibit to the world a fixed, resolute and patriotic 
purpose to reduce the public expenditure to an 
economical standard. But a much more important 
advantage than either of those I have yet adverted 
to, is to be found in the check which the adoption 
of this plan will impose on the efllux of the pre- 
cious metals from this country to foreign countries. 
I shall not now go intc the causes by which the 



country has been brought down from the elevated 
condition of prosperity it once enjoyed, to its pre- 
sent state of general embarrassment and distress. I 
think that those causes are as distinct in my under- 
standing and memory, as any subjects were ever im- 
pressed there, but I have no desire to go into a discus- 
sion, which can only revive the remembrance of un- 
pleasant topics. My purpose — my fixed purpose on 
this occasion has been, to appeal to all gentlemen, on 
all political sides, of this Chamber, to come out and 
make a sacrifice of all lesser differences, in a patri- 
otic, generous and general effort for the relief of 
their country I shall not open those bleeding 
wounds, whicn have, in too many instances, been 
inflicted by brothers' hands — especially will I not 
do so at this time, and on this occasion. — I have 
persuaded myself, the system now brought forward, 
will be met in the spirit of candor and of patriot- 
ism ; and in the hope that, whatever may have 
been the diflerences in the Senate in days past, we 
have now reached a period in which we can forget 
our prejudices, and agree to bury our transient ani- 
mosities deep at the foot of the altar of our common 
country, and come together as an assemblage of 
friends and brothers and compatriots, met in com- 
mon consultation, to deviso the best mode of re- 
lieving the public distress. — Let us lay aside pre- 
judice ; let us look at the distresses of the country 
and those alone." How admirable such senti- 
ments ! How patriotic such language ! ! Never 
did man evince so anxious a desire as he to elevate 
the high destinies of his country still higher, and 
transmit them to posterity, in all respects worthy 
of their authors. It is necessary that mildness and 
moderation should become more prevalent in the 
administration of public affairs. It is true, that 
peace now exhibits to our view, the enchanting 
prospect of rich fields, flourishing cities, spacious 
harbors, growing population, increased resources, 
and almost countless avenues to prosperity : it is 
for us to awaken the patriotic and generous affec- 
tions, to rouse that noble ardor, which, spreading 
from breast to breast, obliterates for a time the self- 
ishness of private interest, and leads to the admis- 
sion of great and heroic feelings, in order that we 
may dignify that Chair, in which the most illustri- 
ous men of any age or any country sat, by placing 
in it the generous, the patriotic, the high-minded, 
the magnanimous, the eloquent, the able, the 
Republican Senator from Kentucky — HENRY 
CLAY. 

Si hostoriam quceritis, circumspicile. 



FROM MR. CLAY'S SPEECH IN THE SENATE, FEBRUARY, 1832. 

The honest, patient, and industrious German readily unites with our people, establishes himself on some 
of our fat lands, fills a capacious barn, and enjoys in tranquillity the abundant fruits which his diligence has 
gathered around him, always ready to fly to the standard of his adopted country, or of its laws, when called 
, by the duties of patriotism. .The gay, the versatile, the philosophical Frenchman, accommodating himself 
cheerfully to all the vicissitudes of life, incorporates himself without difficulty in our society. But, of all 
foreigners, none amalzainate themselves so quicklif with, our people as the natives of the EmeraUl hie. In 
some of the visions which have passed through my imagination, I have supposed that Ireland was originally 
part and parcel of this continent, and that by some extraordinary convulsion of nature it was torn from 
America, and, drifting across the ocean, it was placed in the unfortunate vicinity of Great Britain. The 
same open-heartedness, the same careless and uncalculating indifference about human life, characterizes the 
inhabitants nf both countries. Kentucky has been sometimes called the Ireland of America.' And I have no 
doubt thai, if the emigration were reversed, and set from America upon the shores of Europe, every American 
emigrant to Ireland would there find, as every Irish emigrant here finds, a hearty welcome and a happy 
home. 



SENATOR BENTON'S OPINION OF HENRY CLAY IN 1824. 

The principles which would govern Mr. Clay's adtninistration, if elected, are well known to the nation. 
They have been displayed upon the floor of Congress for the last seventeen years. They constitute a 
system of American Policy, based on the Agriculture and Manufactures of his own country — upon interior ' 
as well as foreign Commerce — upon intpmal as well as sea-bogrd Improvement— upon the independence of, 
the New World, and close commercial alliances with Mexico and South America. If it is said that 
others would pursue the same system, we answer that the founder of a system is the natural executor of.j 
his own work; that the most efficient protector of American iron, lead, hemp, wool, and cotton, would be 
the triumphant champion of the new Tariff; the safest friend to interior commerce would be the statesman 
who has proclaimed the Mississippi to be the sea of the west ; the most zealous promoter of Internal 
Improvements would be the President who has triumphed over the President who opposed the construction 
of national Roads and Canals ; the most successful applicant for treaties with Mexico and South America I 
would be the eloquent advocate of their own independence. 



JOHN TYLER'S OPINION OF HENRY CLAY. 

I do declare, in the presence of my heavenly Judge, that the nomination given to me was neither 
solicited nor expected : I uent to the Convention in honor of Henry Clay ; and, in the defeat of the wishes 
of his friends. I, as one of them, made a sacrifice of feeling, even though my own name was associated with 
that of Harrison. . . I am a true and genuine Whig, and in the Capitol yonder I have shown my love of 
Whig principles. 















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